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References

1. Gawrych 2006, pp. 197–200.
2. Karpat 2001, pp. 369–370.
3. Vickers 2011, pp. 69–76.
4. Tanner 2014, pp. 168–172.
5. Despot 2012, p. 137.
6. Kronenbitter 2006, p. 85.
7. Ker-Lindsay 2009, pp. 8–9.
8. Jelavich 1983, pp. 100–103.
9. Guy 2007, p. 453.
10. Volkan 2004, p. 237.
11. Guy 2007, p. 454. "Benckendorff, on the other hand, proposed only a truncated coastal strip to form a central Muslim dominated Albania, in accordance with the common view amongst Slavs, and also Greeks, that only Muslims could be considered Albanian (and not even Muslims necessarily)."
12. Skendi 1967a, p. 174. "The political thinking of the Orthodox Albanians was divided into two categories. Those who lived in Albania were dominated by Greek influence. The majority of them- especially the notables-desired union with Greece. The Orthodox Christians in general had an intense hatred of Ottoman rule. Although this feeling was shared by their co-religionists who lived in the colonies abroad, their political thinking was different."
13. Winnifrith 2002, p. 130."It is true that most of its inhabitants, though not all, spoke Albanian rather than Greek as their first language at home, and it is clear that it was the factor which principally influenced the Boundary Commission. On the other hand Greeks naturally made much of this fact, and it is true that in Northern Epirus loyalty to an Albania with a variety of Muslim leaders competing in anarchy cannot have been strong."
14. Kokolakis 2003, p. 92.
15. Smith 2006, p. 150. "When the Greek army withdrew from Northern Epirot territories in accordance with the ruling of the Powers, a fierce struggle broke out between Muslim Albanians and Greek irregulars."
16. Tsitselikis 2012, p. 63."Parts of Southern Albania today (Northern Epirus and Korytsa/Korcë) were under temporary Greek military administration in 1913–1914 and 1916 where Greek law on Muslims was also applicable".
17. Tsitselikis 2012, p. 381.
18. Vickers 2011, pp. 82–86.
19. Brisku 2013, p. 35.
20. Odile 1990, pp. 3–6.
21. Psomas 2008, pp. 263–264, 272, 280–281.
22. Lederer 1994, p. 337. "Most Muslims and Bektashis understood that religious differences had to be played down in the name of common ethnicity and that pan-Islamic ideas had to be rejected and fought, even if some so-called 'fanatical' (Sunni) Muslim leaders in Shkoder and elsewhere preferred solidarity with the rest of the Islamic world. Such an attitude was not conducive to Albanian independence to which the international situation was favourable in 1912 and even after World War I."
23. Clayer 2014a, pp. 231–233.
24. Stoppel 2001, pp. 9–10."In den südlichen Landesteilen hielten sich Muslime und Orthodoxe stets in etwa die Waage: So standen sich zB 1908 in den Bezirken (damals türkischen Sandschaks) Korca und Gjirokastro 95.000 Muslime und 128.000 Orthodoxe gegenüber, während 1923 das Verhältnis 109.000 zu 114.000 und 1927 116.000 zu 112.000 betrug. [In the southern parts of the country, Muslims and Orthodox were broadly always balanced: Thus, for example in 1908 were in the districts (then Turkish Sanjaks) Korçë and Gjirokastër 95,000 Muslims and in contrast to 128,000 Orthodox, while in 1923 the ratio of 109,000 to 114,000 and 1927 116,000 to 112,000 it had amounted too.]"
25. Austin 2012, p. 95. "A cornerstone of Greek policy, an approach also employed by the Yugoslavs, was to encourage religious differences in Albania and stress that Albania was a little 'Turkey' hostile to Orthodox Greeks. To popularize the idea of two Albanian states, one Moslem, the other Christian, throughout the early 1920s Greece continually complained that Albania's majority Moslem population was actively persecuting the Orthodox minority. Albania denied this, stressed its well— documented legacy of religious tolerance, and added that while there was tension in the southern perimeter of the country, it was not between Muslims and Christians, but rather a rift had emerged because of the movement to create an autocephalous Albanian Orthodox Church and some citizens wished to remain under the Patriarchate."
26. Babuna 2004, p. 300. "The Orthodox Albanians carried out the most energetic reforms. They wanted to move Albania away from its Muslim, Turkish past in which the Christians were the peasants and constituted the underclass."
27. Clayer 2003, pp. 2–5.
28. Babuna 2004, p. 300.
29. Vickers 2011, pp. 108–109.
30. Albania dispatch, Time magazine, April 14, 1923 https://web.archive.org/web/20070716081651/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,727115,00.html
31. Ezzati 2002, p. 450.
32. Welton & Brisku 2007, p. 99.
33. Lederer 1994, pp. 338–341.
34. Babuna 2004, p. 301.
35. Clayer 2014a, pp. 234–247.
36. Pavlowitch 2014, p. 304.
37. Clayer 2014b, pp. 45–60.
38. Clayer 2007, pp. 33–36.
39. Doja 2006, pp. 86–87.
40. Young 1999, p. 9.
41. Ramet 1989, p. 490.
42. Clayer 2009, pp. 483–491.
43. De Soto, Beddies & Gedeshi 2005, pp. 9, 21.
44. Fischer 1999, pp. 5, 21–25.
45. Fischer 1999, pp. 36–39.
46. Fischer 1999, pp. 83–88.
47. Fischer 1999, pp. 52–58.
48. Fischer 1999, pp. 132–138.
49. Fischer 1999, pp. 121–132.
50. Fischer 1999, pp. 101–104, 111–112.
51. Fischer 1999, pp. 149–152, 198–207, 223–237.