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HandWiki. Proto-Min Language. Encyclopedia. Available online: https://encyclopedia.pub/entry/28685 (accessed on 23 September 2026).
HandWiki. Proto-Min Language. Encyclopedia. Available at: https://encyclopedia.pub/entry/28685. Accessed September 23, 2026.
HandWiki. "Proto-Min Language" Encyclopedia, https://encyclopedia.pub/entry/28685 (accessed September 23, 2026).
HandWiki. (2022, October 10). Proto-Min Language. In Encyclopedia. https://encyclopedia.pub/entry/28685
HandWiki. "Proto-Min Language." Encyclopedia. Web. 10 October, 2022.
Proto-Min Language
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The content is sourced from: https://handwiki.org/wiki/Social:Proto-Min_language

Proto-Min is a comparative reconstruction of the common ancestor of the Min group of varieties of Chinese. Min varieties developed in the relative isolation of the Chinese province of Fujian and eastern Guangdong, and have since spread to Taiwan, southeast Asia and other parts of the world. They contain reflexes of distinctions not found in Middle Chinese or most other modern varieties, and thus provide additional data for the reconstruction of Old Chinese. Jerry Norman reconstructed the sound system of proto-Min from popular vocabulary in a range of Min varieties, including new data on varieties from inland Fujian. The system has a six-way manner contrast in stops and affricates, compared with the three-way contrast in Middle Chinese and modern Wu varieties and the two-way contrast in most modern Chinese varieties. A two-way contrast in sonorants is also reconstructed, compared with the single series of Middle Chinese and all modern varieties. Evidence from early loans into other languages suggests that the additional contrasts may reflect consonant clusters or minor syllables.

proto-min min consonant clusters

References

  1. Norman (1988), pp. 210, 228.
  2. Norman (1988), pp. 54–55.
  3. Norman (1988), pp. 52–54.
  4. Norman (1988), p. 181.
  5. Norman (1988), pp. 191, 199–200, 204–205.
  6. Norman (1988), pp. 228–229.
  7. Ting (1983), pp. 9–10.
  8. Baxter & Sagart (2014), p. 33.
  9. Baxter & Sagart (2014), p. 79.
  10. Baxter & Sagart (2014), p. 76.
  11. Baxter & Sagart (2014), p. 388, n. 49.
  12. Norman (1988), pp. 211–214.
  13. Norman (1991b), pp. 334–336.
  14. Norman (1991b), pp. 335–336.
  15. Norman (1991b), p. 328.
  16. Norman (1988), p. 214.
  17. Baxter & Sagart (2014), pp. 34–37.
  18. Norman (1991b), pp. 331–332.
  19. Sagart (2008), pp. 141–143.
  20. Norman (1991b), p. 336.
  21. Norman (1991b), p. 337.
  22. Kurpaska (2010), p. 49.
  23. Norman (1988), p. 233.
  24. Yan (2006), p. 121.
  25. Norman (1988), pp. 233–234.
  26. Kurpaska (2010), p. 52.
  27. Yan (2006), p. 122.
  28. Norman (1988), pp. 235, 241.
  29. Branner (1999), pp. 37, 78.
  30. Branner (2000), pp. 115–116.
  31. Handel (2010b), pp. 28–29.
  32. Norman (1974), p. 231.
  33. Norman (1974), pp. 28–30.
  34. Norman (1988), p. 231.
  35. Baxter & Sagart (2014), pp. 102, 104, 108.
  36. Norman (1974), p. 28.
  37. Norman (1973), p. 231.
  38. Handel (2003), pp. 49–50.
  39. Baxter & Sagart (2014), p. 89.
  40. Handel (2010a).
  41. Baxter & Sagart (2014), pp. 84–93.
  42. Southern Min varieties also have voiced stops and affricates, which are derived from earlier nasal initials.[42]
  43. Norman (1973), pp. 228–231.
  44. Norman (1973), pp. 229–231.
  45. Norman (1974), pp. 32–33.
  46. Norman (1986), pp. 380–382.
  47. Norman (1986), pp. 381–383.
  48. Norman (1986), p. 381.
  49. Baxter & Sagart (2014), pp. 88–89.
  50. Norman (1973), pp. 224–227.
  51. Branner (1999), p. 40.
  52. Norman (1973), pp. 226–228.
  53. Norman (1974), pp. 33–35.
  54. Norman (1986), pp. 382–383.
  55. Norman (1988), pp. 229–230.
  56. Norman (1991b), pp. 340–341.
  57. Baxter & Sagart (2014), p. 88.
  58. Norman (1991a), pp. 207–208.
  59. Norman (1988), p. 237.
  60. Norman (1973), pp. 233–235.
  61. Norman (1988), pp. 230, 233.
  62. Norman (1991a), p. 212.
  63. Norman (1991a), p. 208.
  64. Norman (1991a), pp. 211–212.
  65. Bodman (1985), p. 16.
  66. Zheng (2016), pp. 84–92.
  67. Baxter & Sagart (2014), p. 46.
  68. Norman (1973), p. 233.
  69. Baxter & Sagart (2014), pp. 171–173.
  70. Norman (1974), pp. 28–29.
  71. Norman (1974), pp. 32–35.
  72. Baxter (1992), pp. 210, 834.
  73. Zheng (2016), p. 119.
  74. Norman (1973), p. 223.
  75. Handel (2003), p. 49.
  76. The voiced initials in modern Southern Min varieties are derived from proto-Min nasal initials.[75]
  77. Handel (2003), pp. 55, 68–72.
  78. Norman (1973), pp. 226, 229, 232–233.
  79. Norman (1974), pp. 31–32.
  80. Handel (2003), pp. 58–59.
  81. For Yong'an, Norman found only one example of a class *C word with a softened voiceless initial, having tone 2.[80]
  82. Norman (1974), pp. 29–30.
  83. Norman (1974), p. 30.
  84. Norman (1981), p. 35.
  85. Norman (1981), pp. 35–36.
  86. The only example of this final, *kiɑA 茄 "eggplant" (Xiamen kio2) is probably a relatively late loan from a Tai language.[85]
  87. This final is found only after coronal initials.[86]
  88. This final is found only after velar and glottal initials, and is distinguished from *i only in Southern Min.[87]
  89. Norman describes the reconstruction of this final as ad hoc, based on only two sets.[86]
  90. This final is found only after dental initials, and completely consistent examples are rare.[85]
  91. Norman describes the reconstruction of this final as ad hoc, based on only two sets.[88]
  92. This final is required to account for Southern Min developments, but few examples are attested across Min.[89]
  93. There are very few examples of *ot.[90]
  94. The sole example of *iɑt is found only in coastal Min.[91]
  95. Norman describes the reconstruction of this final as ad hoc, based on only two sets.[92]
  96. There are few examples of these finals.[93]
  97. This final is found only after velar initials, and the few examples of *yt are confined to the coastal dialects.[94]
  98. There are only two examples of this final, and none of *yat.[93]
  99. The reconstruction of this final is based on only two sets.[95]
  100. Norman (1981), p. 36.
  101. Bodman (1985), p. 5.
  102. Norman (1981), p. 56.
  103. Norman (1988), p. 234.
  104. Bodman (1985), pp. 5–9.
  105. Norman (1988), pp. 235–236.
  106. Bodman (1985), p. 7.
  107. Yan (2006), p. 136.
  108. Yan (2006), p. 138.
  109. Norman (1981), pp. 53–55, 58, 60, 66, 69.
  110. Norman (1981), p. 58.
  111. Norman (1988), pp. 231–232.
  112. Baxter & Sagart (2014), pp. 59–60.
  113. Norman (1981), p. 47.
  114. Norman (1988), p. 232.
  115. Norman (1981), p. 41.
  116. Norman (1988), pp. 18–19.
  117. Norman & Mei (1976), pp. 296–297.
  118. Sagart (2008), p. 142.
  119. Norman (1981), p. 63.
  120. Norman & Mei (1976), pp. 297–298.
  121. Norman (1981), p. 44.
  122. Norman (1974), p. 32.
  123. Norman (1981), p. 48.
  124. Norman (1981), p. 50.
  125. Norman (1981), p. 51.
  126. Norman (1981), p. 54.
  127. Norman (1981), p. 59.
  128. Norman (1981), p. 64.
  129. Norman (1981), p. 65.
  130. Norman (1981), p. 57.
  131. Norman (1981), p. 71.
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