Ukrainian Migrants in Poland during COVID-19 Pandemic

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1		Robert Bartłomiejski	--	3630	2022-05-20 12:22:22	\|
2	format	Jason Zhu	-77 word(s)	3553	2022-05-23 04:44:44	\|

This entry is adapted from the peer-reviewed paper 10.3390/su14095338

Economic and political crises have significant impacts on the situation of foreigners in their host country. Some of these impacts of such crises can be predicted, while others appear unexpectedly. Particularly challenging are those characterised by extreme unusualness and the absence of warning signs that suggest the possibility of their occurrence. The pandemic as an emergency situation entailing restrictions on mobility between countries did not significantly affect the migration decisions of Ukrainians. Disregarding the difficult epidemiological situation, they continued to make decisions on immigration to Poland, guided by individual profit and loss calculations. Others remained in Poland to wait out the crisis. The pandemic has exposed the dependence of the Polish economy on migrant labour and has also shown the deficiencies in migration policy.

the functioning of society in the COVID-19 pandemic employer migrants from Ukraine social media social networks communication information information policy infodemia

1. Features of Immigration to Poland

In the last decade, Poland has undergone the transformation from an emigration state to an immigration state. Compared to the rest of Europe, immigration in Poland is distinguished by three features: (1) definite domination of migrants from non-EU neighbouring countries, including, first of all, citizens of Ukraine; (2) a persistent predominance of temporary immigration, taking the form of short-term (up to 6 months) and seasonal (up to 9 months); and (3) the superiority of economic motivation among other reasons for immigration, which translates into a high percentage of employed persons in the total population of migrants in Poland.

Migrants to Poland are mainly citizens of neighbouring countries (Ukraine, Belarus, and Russia). There are also Indians, Georgians, Vietnamese and Turks. They are attracted by the Polish labour market, including obtaining far higher wages. Other advantages for migrants from neighbouring states include geographical proximity and cultural and language similarities. Also of significance are the liberalised rules of access for citizens of these countries to the Polish labour market, which have been in place for over a decade (introduction of a simplified employment procedure, including seasonal work). This is facilitated by the Schengen Borders Code concerning the conditions of entry of selected categories of citizens of neighbouring countries to Poland under the Local Border Traffic (Since July 2009, the Agreement on Local Border Traffic between Poland and Ukraine has been in force. Based on this agreement, Ukrainian nationals residing in the border zone—the area extending 30 km from the border—do not need visas, but only local border traffic permits entitling them to multiple crossings of the Polish border. Poland signed similar agreements with the Russian Federation and Belarus. Still, the agreement with Belarus never entered into force, and the agreement with the Russian Federation was suspended in 2016.) and the Karta Polaka (Pole’s Card). Equally important is abolishing the visa requirement for Ukrainian citizens holding biometric passports (in 2017).

These push-and-pull factors have caused the foreign population in Poland to be dominated by migrants from Ukraine. The scale of the influx of citizens of this country has been systematically increasing since 2014 (the outbreak of the Russian–Ukrainian conflict). According to estimates of Statistics Poland, at the end of 2015, there were 283,700 Ukrainians aged 18 and over in Poland; a year later, this population already increased to 455,000 ^[1]. By the end of December 2019, their number had reached 1,351,418, thus constituting 64.2% of all migrants ^[2].

The second feature of immigration in Poland is its temporariness. Data from 2016 indicate that the vast majority (71%) of foreigners stayed in Poland for less than a year (3–12 months). About 29% stayed for longer ^[1]. This was also true of Ukrainian migrants, who in 2020 accounted for 94% of all applications for legalisation of stay in Poland ^[3]. However, not all of them applied for a temporary (or permanent) residence permit. Indeed, data from the Office for Foreigners and the Statistics Poland show that at the end of 2019, about 16% of this community had a residence permit. This situation is related to the fact that Ukrainian immigration is temporary and almost entirely labour immigration. Migrants from Ukraine can reside for this purpose without applying for a temporary residence permit. They can either stay for less than three months at a time or use solutions, such as residence in connection with seasonal work.

A general feature of immigration to Poland is the predominance of arrivals for work purposes that do not require high skills and belong to the so-called secondary sector of the labour market. At the end of 2016, more than 473,000 foreigners held work permits ^[1]. Apart from them, some persons were exempted from the need to have a permit (This group includes EU citizens, persons under international protection, persons holding a permanent residence permit or a long-term resident’s EU residence permit issued in the Republic of Poland, the Card of the Pole, students and graduates of full-time studies in Poland and some persons arriving under family reunification. In 2020, this group was expanded to include, among others, foreigners staying in Poland on the basis of humanitarian visas and visas with the annotation ‘Poland. Business Harbour’, and doctors, nurses, and paramedics, all with the right to practise their profession in Poland.) or were illegally employed. In subsequent years, the figures trended upward, mainly due to Ukrainians, who in 2019 accounted for 74.4% (335,540 persons) of all foreigners working on the basis of a permit ^[4] (p. 8). They also predominated among migrants employed under a statement on entrusting work to a foreigner registered in the register: in 2020, 90% of permits issued went to them (p. 12). In addition, Ukrainians dominated the group of people with seasonal work permits, obtaining about 99% (c. 130,000) of all permits of this type issued in 2020 (p. 14). These trends are referred to as the ‘Ukrainisation’ of labour immigration to Poland ^[5] (p. 222).

2. The COVID-19 Pandemic and the Employment of Ukrainians in Poland

The state of epidemic threat, introduced in Poland in March 2020, and then the epidemic itself, were accompanied by decisions of state authorities directly related to migration flows (e.g., a sanitary cordon at the border) and the formal and legal situation of migrants residing and working in Poland. These actions, combined with health concerns and the growing uncertainty about the further development of the epidemic situation in Poland and its social and professional consequences, clearly influenced the decisions of Ukrainians to come to Poland and whether to remain. However, it appears that as the pandemic went on (irrespective of the incidence rates of COVID-19 in Poland at any given time), its impact on the migration decisions of Ukrainians diminished.

Statistics on crossings of the Polish–Ukrainian border show a 63% fall in 2020 compared to 2019. In 2020, there were 3,769,682 entries from Ukraine into Poland, compared with 10,416,844 in 2019 ^[6]. Particularly high numbers of departures of Ukrainian nationals from Poland occurred in the first two months of the pandemic; that is, March and April 2020. It is estimated that approximately 160,000 Ukrainian migrants left; approximately 11.5% of the population resided in Poland at that time ^[2] (p. 2).

In the following months, both the dynamics of passenger traffic on the border with Ukraine and the number of Ukrainians coming to Poland fell even further, compared to the pre-pandemic period. In the first half of 2021, the Polish Border Guard recorded over 2.6 times fewer entries of Ukrainian citizens into Poland and nearly 2.7 times fewer crossings of the Polish–Ukrainian border by foreigners than in the same period of 2019 ^[7]^[8].

On the other hand, the balance of immigration of Ukrainians to Poland had started to increase. In the first three months of 2021, 896,883 entries into Poland were recorded at the Polish–Ukrainian border, which was admittedly only 40% of the number of entries in the same period in 2020, just before the outbreak of the pandemic. However, importantly, during this period, as many as 300,293 more people entered Poland than left, whereas in the first quarter of 2020, the balance was 176,000 people ^[9].

The greater ratio of the number of registered entries of Ukrainian citizens into Poland to the number of departures may be connected to the persistent, structural demand for foreign workers in the Polish labour market. According to the ministry’s assessment in charge of the labour market in Poland, despite the ongoing pandemic, “the demand of employers for foreign workers remained virtually unchanged” ^[6] (p. 2). Already from the end of May 2020—the start of the period of intensive seasonal work in agriculture and horticulture—a renewed increase in demand for foreign labour could be observed. Before the pandemic, sectors of seasonal work that employed many Ukrainians also included tourist and catering services. However, due to pandemic constraints, these sectors did not generate foreign workers’ labour demand in the 2020 summer period on the same scale as in previous years.

It should be emphasised, though, that from May 2020, an increase could be observed not only in the number of applications and permits issued for seasonal work for foreigners, but also in the number of applications for granting a work permit for a foreigner and the number of declarations on entrusting work to a foreigner ^[6] (pp. 4–9). The activity of migrants in the Polish labour market is also confirmed by the data on applications by foreigners for social insurance in 2020. While the first months of the pandemic saw a decrease in the number of insured foreigners, the numbers started to rise from the second half of 2020. The Social Insurance Institution (ZUS) reported that December 2020 set a record for the number of persons registered for insurance. In the following months, the number continued to grow. At the end of April 2021, it amounted to over 780,000 foreigners. Ukrainian citizens constituted the largest group (75%); their numbers increased in the following months (the increase in April 2021 compared to March was 10,300) ^[10].

In 2020, foreign workers, among whom the citizens of Ukraine predominated, were employed primarily in manufacturing, construction, transport and storage, and administrative and support services. The pandemic did not change the positions in which foreigners were employed, regardless of whether they had a work permit or worked based on a statement. In 2020, foreigners were most frequently employed as employees performing simple works, industrial workers and craftsmen, and operators and assemblers of machines and devices. Nevertheless, it should be noted that in professions committed by migrants in Poland, the pandemic has posed particular challenges. Due to the nature of the tasks performed, whether in the construction sector, agriculture, transport services or industry, there was no possibility to switch to remote work, which increased the risk of virus infection ^[11]). This situation also applied to jobs in low-skilled occupations; at the same time, migrants (mainly women) were positioned as so-called key workers ‘indispensable’ for the functioning of European economies ^[12].

In conclusion, the pandemic has not significantly reduced the scale of immigration to Poland or the demand for foreign workers in the long term. In February 2021, the Ministry of Economic Development, Labour and Technology reported that the demand for their labour is at a level comparable to before the pandemic ^[6] (p. 2).

3. Immigration Policy and the COVID-19 Pandemic

In the first weeks of the COVID-19 pandemic, the Polish authorities introduced special legislation to regulate migrants’ residence and work. On this basis, legal residence and employment (in the form of a work permit, seasonal work or a statement on entrusting work to a foreigner) were extended for the entire duration of the epidemic emergency or epidemic state and 30 days after its cessation ^[13]. This applied to migrants who arrived in Poland before 14 March 2020; that is, before the date on which the epidemic emergency was declared ^[14]. However, the extension of residence permits did not allow travel between countries. A foreigner could leave Poland, but they could not re-enter after leaving. The law provisions allow a foreigner to perform work under conditions other than those specified in the documents authorising legal employment and stay, provided that the entity commissioning the work to a foreigner made use of the anti-crisis-shield solutions concerning the modification of employment conditions. Foreign workers employed on the basis of a seasonal permit and a statement on entrustment of work were also subject to special regulations if their documents were valid for a minimum of one day in the period after 14 March 2020. In this case, migrants could take up employment without needing to apply for a new document and provide work until the 30th day following the date of cancellation of the epidemiological emergency or pandemic state. Additionally, foreigners legally residing in Poland were granted a one-time standstill benefit (art. 15zq sec. 2 item 3). This support concerned persons working on the basis of civil law contracts concluded before 1 April 2020 or running non-agricultural businesses.

Moreover, the deadline for providing social assistance and medical care to foreigners under international protection in Poland was extended. This concerned persons whose period of entitlement to such aid expired during an epidemiological emergency or pandemic (art. 15z⁸). The deadline for foreigners to leave the territory of Poland was extended if it fell during the epidemic emergency or pandemic until the expiry of the 30th day following the cancellation of these states (art. 15zzza). The above solutions also applied to the extension of the deadline for the voluntary return of the foreigner (art. 15zzzb). The introduction of a state of epidemic threat or epidemic in Poland did not cause any changes in the residence law for citizens of European Union member states, the European Free Trade Association (EFTA) or the Swiss Confederation, or their family members residing with them.

The period of the epidemic state coincided with a time when Polish migration policy was being developed. It is characterised by ad-hocness and a lack of long-term vision. It also shows the characteristics of a selective approach: that is, one aimed at accepting a specific group of migrants selected on the basis of their skills and origin. Thus, in Poland, the second cycle of migration policymaking, its formulation, is dominant ^[15] (p. 17).

The first document providing assumptions and guidelines for policy in this area was Migration Policy of—Current State and Postulated Actions, adopted in 2012 and cancelled after five years. While it was in force, a plan for its implementation was adopted, which was also withdrawn (in 2016). A year later, in the Strategy for Responsible Development, the Council of Ministers decided to develop a new migration policy in the form of a comprehensive document ^[16]. Its preparation was entrusted to the Migration Team of the Minister of Interior and Administration (MSWiA), which presented a draft of the new migration policy of Poland on 10 June 2019. This act still has the status of a draft. In December 2020, another document was made public: Migration Policy of Poland—Diagnosis of the Initial State. This was a description of the migration situation, supplemented by challenges and risks in this area. It was the basis for preparing the implementing document for 2021; the Ministry of the Interior and Administration had recognised that migration policy would be implemented based on annual plans ^[17]. The document, entitled Migration Policy of Poland—Directions of Activities 2021–2022, was adopted in July 2021. It exceptionally covered two years ‘due to difficulties related to the presence of a pandemic’ ^[18] (p. 2).

The abovementioned documents devote little space to information issues addressed to participants in migration processes. The 2012 Act deserves mention in this regard due to its implementation plan. It includes a separate item entitled Public Information, in which information policy is considered an important dimension of Polish migration policy. It was proposed to create a single database covering such issues, as the information foreigners sought was dispersed, difficult to access, and did not consider the language barrier ^[19] (p. 128). Apart from this fragment, references to information policy concerned the possibility to study in Poland, openness and tolerance measures, reintegration periods of migrants and legal work and stay in Poland.

The implementation plan for the document Migration Policy of Poland—Current State and Postulated Actions did not change the scope of information activities aimed at migrants ^[20]. It proposed (1) the development of information materials (leaflets) on the possibility to take up short-term work in Poland, and translating them into the languages of the countries whose citizens can perform work in connection with a registered statement; (2) analysing the transfer of information to foreigners and employers on the rules and conditions of employment of foreign workers in Poland; and (3) maintaining Internet portals and developing information materials and brochures on the rights of foreigners, including on legal employment.

The June 2019 draft document Migration Policy of Poland was very poor in terms of conducting an active information policy among migrants. The issue was only referred to in the context of opportunities to study in Poland and the dissemination of information in migrants’ countries of origin about legal immigration opportunities pointing out the consequences of violating immigration laws ^[21] (pp. 16, 18). The theme of dissemination of legal knowledge was continued in the next act, being a diagnosis of the initial state for the new migration policy ^[22]. This stated that work was underway to translate information into English on the rights and obligations of foreigners and employers (in the EU) in the field of social security (pension rights) (p. 42). The Chief Labour Inspectorate has also launched a helpline for foreigners (in Ukrainian and Russian) on the principles of legal performance of work in Poland, publications in paper and electronic form, and an information and education campaign ‘I work legally’, aimed at raising legal awareness among employers and foreign workers (pp. 51, 52).

The analysis of the above documents shows that information policy addressed to migrants has not been a widespread issue. When it is referred to, it is mainly in the context of the legal employment of foreigners. There has been no mention of channels of information flow from various institutions implementing migration policy to migrants. The need to create a knowledge base for incoming foreigners and the receiving society should be considered. There is also a need for documents addressed to migrants to be written in languages they can understand.

4. Government Information Policy during COVID-19

Epidemics are crises accompanied by chaos and uncertainty. Therefore, it is essential to provide reliable information at such times, which explains the problematic situation to reduce the phenomenon of so-called fake news. Communication channels are also important, as messages will be effective if they reach as many people as possible. Such effectiveness will impact the fight against the epidemic and the level of public confidence. Another element is the content of the message, which should be easy to understand, straightforward and factually correct. As noted by the World Health Organisation, this is important because the pandemic was accompanied by infodemia: a wave of disinformation consisting of the dissemination of distorted information, which made it difficult for people to find reliable sources, resulting in anxiety ^[23].

The information policy of state bodies on COVID-19 was mainly based on organising press conferences, giving interviews, and communicating news via social media, websites of government institutions or a special website, www.gov.pl/web/koronawirus (accessed on 25 June 2021) (three foreign-language versions: English, Ukrainian and Russian). Communication activities were mostly undertaken by the Ministry of Health and the Prime Minister’s Office. The government established a monopoly on information about the development of the pandemic. Epidemiologists and representatives of hospitals subordinate to the Ministry of Health were forbidden to speak in the media about the situation in their institutions. This appalled the medical community ^[24].

Limits to direct interpersonal contacts and people being kept in their homes resulted in greater popularity of Internet sources of information, television and radio broadcasts at the expense of the printed press. The dynamic course of the pandemic introduced information chaos, which was disadvantageous for Polish citizens, but even more so for migrants. The language barrier was often the reason for their lack of information. This phenomenon was accompanied by information uncertainty related to the source of news and unconfirmed data. Indeed, migrants most often based their migration decisions on knowledge from the migration network: a combination of information from state institutions, NGOs and migrants’ experiences ^[25] (p. 2). Their channel of communication was social media.

During the pandemic period, foreigners could obtain information from official government messages and the websites of various institutions. Among them were the Office for Foreigners and the Chief Labour Inspectorate. This mainly concerned the issue of legal residence and employment. In March 2020, information chaos crept in, due to the suspension of direct services by the Office for Foreigners, except for ‘absolutely necessary’ matters (from 16 March) and the closure of the Polish–Ukrainian border. The latter resulted from the closure of the state border announced on 26 March 2020 by Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, and the suspension of passenger traffic (after 27 March). This caused panic among Ukrainians staying in Poland who were deciding to return home. Crowds of people appeared at border crossings—on one day, 27 March, about 18,000 Ukrainians left ^[26]. Zelensky’s inaccurate information was corrected at 4 PM that day by Dmytro Kuleba, Ukraine’s foreign minister, who said that the border would remain open to citizens and could be crossed on foot or by car ^[27].

Voivodeship offices were another channel of information for foreigners. They published news in Polish, English, Ukrainian and Russian, mainly on the legalisation of stay (issuing residence cards, submitting applications for extending visas or granting temporary residence permits). Particular information pages were also dedicated to the issues of transport, education or medical assistance. NGOs were also involved in providing information, as well.

The Covid-19 crisis revealed also the importance of information in the public sphere and, at the same time, when direct social contacts were limited, highlighted the role of employers as an information channel for Ukrainian labour migrants. Employers became a transmitter of information about state policy, regulations, and rules of conduct for immigrants. Several conclusions can be drawn from this.

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