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Hua, Z.; , . Depression and Perceived Social Support among Unemployed Youths. Encyclopedia. Available online: https://encyclopedia.pub/entry/22480 (accessed on 23 July 2024).
Hua Z,  . Depression and Perceived Social Support among Unemployed Youths. Encyclopedia. Available at: https://encyclopedia.pub/entry/22480. Accessed July 23, 2024.
Hua, Zhiya, . "Depression and Perceived Social Support among Unemployed Youths" Encyclopedia, https://encyclopedia.pub/entry/22480 (accessed July 23, 2024).
Hua, Z., & , . (2022, April 29). Depression and Perceived Social Support among Unemployed Youths. In Encyclopedia. https://encyclopedia.pub/entry/22480
Hua, Zhiya and . "Depression and Perceived Social Support among Unemployed Youths." Encyclopedia. Web. 29 April, 2022.
Depression and Perceived Social Support among Unemployed Youths
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This entry is adapted from the peer-reviewed paper 10.3390/ijerph19084676

The issue of youth unemployment has begun to emerge in China. Unemployed young people are at high risk of depression and other mental health problems. Depression is an important health problem that can reduce individuals’ interest and pleasure in life and may trigger the risk of self-injury or suicide. In addition, depression can impair the ability to meet daily demands, the capacity to function well in society, and the competence to handle life challenges. For example, studies have reported that depressive symptoms of the unemployed decrease their job-search motivation, intensity, and quality of reemployment.

depression perceived social support emotion-regulation difficulties self-efficacy unemployed youths unemployment China

1. Introduction

The number of unemployed young people in China has increased significantly in recent years. The International Labour Organization (ILO) defines unemployed youth as young people who meet all of the following criteria: aged between 15 and 24; not in full-time education or training; have the desire and ability to work but cannot find work [1] (p. 22). Because the legal minimum working age in China is 16, China’s unemployed youth refer to those unemployed young women and men aged between 16 and 24. Some of them entered the labor market as soon as they completed nine years of compulsory education (including primary school and junior high school), while others completed secondary vocational or higher education. In the past decades, due to the rapid economic growth of the country, it has not been difficult for China’s young people to find a job. In recent years, however, with the slowdown of economic growth, the shock of the COVID-19 pandemic, and the mismatch of workforce supply and demand caused by the continuous expansion of higher education, more and more young people in China have found that jobs are hard to come by. For example, the Ministry of Education of China reported that about 23% of college graduates cannot obtain a job at graduation [2]. According to China’s National Statistics Bureau, the surveyed unemployment rate for people aged between 16 and 24 rose from 11.9% in 2019 to 14.2% in 2020 and 14.3% in 2021 [3]. In the same years, the surveyed unemployment rates for the 25–59 age group were 4.6%, 5.0%, and 4.5%, respectively [3]. Although the youth unemployment rate in China is slightly below the world average [1] (p. 22), given the country’s huge youth population (nearly 148 million in 2020 [4]), the total number of unemployed young people in China is quite large.
At the individual level, unemployment results from involuntarily losing a job or failing to find a job when entering the workforce [5]. As a stressful life event, becoming unemployed usually entails a sequence of adverse impacts including not only income interruption [6], financial strain [7], erosion of time structure [8], and decline in social status [9], but also worsening of physical and mental health [10][11][12][13]. Numerous studies have pointed out that unemployed people often suffered greater stress and psychological distress than the general population [14][15][16]. Many researchers have found that unemployment, followed by the “chain of adversity” [17], is significantly correlated with a higher risk of depression [18][19][20][21][22]. The World Health Organization (WHO) also warns that “unemployment contributes to and may catalyze the development of depression” [23]. In a meta-analysis, Paul and Moser reported that, compared to the employed, the incidence of depression among unemployed people increases from 16% to 34% [24]. For young people, employment is a sign of successful transition to adulthood in many cultures [25], meaning those who cannot find jobs often suffer additional stresses, frustrations, and social stigma. Young people at transitional ages usually lack sufficient coping resources and strategies [26]. Thus, unemployed youths are seen as a vulnerable age segment in the jobless population [5], and some studies reveal that the young unemployed, compared to their older counterparts, are at higher risk of psychological health disorders, such as depression and anxiety [27][28][29].
Depression is an important health problem that can reduce individuals’ interest and pleasure in life and may trigger the risk of self-injury or suicide [30]. In addition, depression can impair the ability to meet daily demands, the capacity to function well in society, and the competence to handle life challenges [31][32]. For example, studies have reported that depressive symptoms of the unemployed decrease their job-search motivation, intensity, and quality of reemployment [33][34]. These findings indicate that depression not only threatens the physical and psychological well-being of the unemployed but also depreciates and further restricts their job-search performance and reemployment success. Given that the unemployment rate of young people has been significantly higher than that of older adults for many years [1] (p. 13), it is imperative to further reveal the underlying process and mechanisms of depression in the course of unemployment and to seek effective means of protection and intervention to lessen unemployed youths’ depression.

2. Depression and Perceived Social Support

As a common mental disorder, depression does not refer to short-term mood fluctuations but a persistent state of negative mood, such as sadness, emptiness, or irritability, which is usually accompanied by somatic and cognitive changes [35]. According to the WHO, the worldwide prevalence of depression is 3.8%, and about 280 million people globally have been affected by depression in recent years [23]. In China, a nationwide survey found the lifetime and 12-month prevalence of depression were 6.9% and 3.6%, respectively [36]. Moreover, studies have revealed that the incidence of depression tends to be young, with many young people in China experiencing an episode [37].
As depression can lead a person toward myriad means of harm, identifying contributing factors and underlying mechanisms has been the focus of considerable research. It is, to date, generally believed that depression is caused by a complicated interaction of biological, psychological and social variables [38]. Substantial research has revealed that depression is significantly correlated with both individuals’ personal characteristics (including demographic and psychological attributes) and external environmental variables (e.g., random events, social ties, and cultural influences) [39]. Social support, as a kind of important resource from others, is on the list of the protective factors of depression, i.e., support from social networks can play the role of buffer between adversities and individuals’ mental health and alleviate the likelihood of depression [40]. Social support refers to the material, emotional, and informational assistance obtained from one’s social networks, which usually reflects the closeness and quality of a person’s connectedness with others [41]. In some academic literature, social support is further classified as received social support and perceived social support [42]. The former emphasizes practical or visible assistance, while the latter highlights the perception of the available resources and subjective experience of being respected, understood, and supported in social relations [43]. Some studies point out that perceived social support as a type of psychological reality can exert more influence than received social support on individuals’ mental health [44]. Considerable research, including both cross-sectional and longitudinal studies, has found perceived social support to be significantly negatively related to depression [45][46][47]. Perceived social support is regarded as helpful for absorbing the impact of adversities and strengthening individuals’ courage and confidence to deal with life’s challenges, and hence, can reduce the risk of depression [48]. For example, one study based on the analysis of old people in Ireland found that perceived social support was a significant negative predictor of later-life depressive symptoms among those once exposed to childhood adversity [49]. On the contrary, lack of perceived social support was found to predict depression [50][51][52]. For instance, two researchers in a study on female twins found the risk of depression was positively associated with tension, disagreements, and criticism in interpersonal relationships [53]. Although a large number of studies conducted in various social groups have tested the link between perceived social support and depression, few studies have examined this relationship among China’s unemployed youths. In addition, the potential mechanisms accounting for the correlation between perceived social support and depression have not been fully explored [54]. Hence, the present entry attempted to further examine the underlying process linking perceived social support and depression through a survey of unemployed Chinese youths.

3. Perceived Social Support, Emotion-Regulation Difficulties, Self-Efficacy, and Depression

In the process of exploring the risk factors of depression, increasing attention has been paid to difficulties with emotion regulation in recent years. Emotion-regulation difficulties were defined as deficits in modulating emotions, especially those for managing negative emotional experiences and expression, thus hindering the formation of adaptative emotions and hence affecting individuals’ mental health [55][56][57]. According to John and Gross, difficulties in emotion regulation are usually embodied in two key interactive processes: emotional insight and behaviors triggered by an emotional response [58]. Specifically, emotion-regulation difficulties include denial of emotion, emotional consciousness defects, and lack of clarity regarding emotion in the first process and impairments associated with the second process, such as a lack of effective emotion-management strategies or ability to control impulses or engage in goal-directed activities when distressed [59][60]. Previous studies have examined the association between emotion-regulation difficulties and some maladaptive behavioral issues (e.g., anxiety, post-traumatic stress disorder, and sleep disturbance) [61][62], and recent research revealed that emotion dysregulation caused by emotion-regulation difficulties, was also significantly positively related to depression [57][63][64][65]. For example, through a survey of a sample of 64 Norwegian adolescents, Visted and colleagues found a lack of positive emotion-regulating strategies and that adopting maladaptive methods, such as rumination and suppression may result in the persistence of a depressive mood and increase the risk of onset or relapse of depression [66]. In comparison, fewer emotion-regulation difficulties were found to be associated with reduced depressive symptoms. For example, an internet-based longitudinal study conducted during the COVID-19 pandemic reported that a decrease in emotion-regulation difficulties can significantly predict a reduction in anxiety and depression [67]. Emotion regulation was proposed to be a context-dependent process that can be affected by environmental variables [68]. Some research found that perceived social support could enhance people’s emotion-modulating abilities and reduce emotion-regulation difficulties [69][70][71]. English and colleagues suggested that strong ties with and more support from others help the emotional adaptation process by encouraging the utilization of such positive emotion-regulation strategies as reappraisal while decreasing the adoption of negative emotion-regulation strategies, such as expression suppression [69]. Moreover, a survey of Venezuelan migrants in Peru confirmed that the perception of support from family members can predict the utilization of reappraisal strategies and decrease emotion dysregulation [72]. Taken together, higher degrees of emotion-regulation difficulties are correlated with higher levels of risk of depressive symptoms but lower levels of perception of support from others. In addition, some studies proposed that emotion-regulation difficulties served as mediators between perceived social support and mental health [70][71]. Based on the above-mentioned correlations, researchers infer that difficulties in emotion regulation mediate the relationship between perceived social support and depression. However, this mediating model has not been tested by empirical research.
Besides risk factors, protective factors of depression are also a focus of scholars’ attention. A large number of studies have emphasized the protective effect of self-efficacy on depression [73][74]. Self-efficacy refers to one’s belief and confidence in his or her abilities to plan and perform certain actions to achieve desirable goals [75]. According to Bandura, self-efficacy helps individuals positively react to challenges and manage and control their life situations [76]; hence, people with more self-efficacy can cope with adversities calmly and avoid negative impacts on their mental health. This theoretical suggestion has been confirmed by recent research. Some studies have found self-efficacy to be negatively associated with depression [77][78][79][80]. For instance, an empirical study investigated a group of American cancer survivors and found that less self-efficacy was associated with more severe depressive symptoms [74], whereas another study reported that participation in training programs aimed at improving self-efficacy significantly decreased the depression scores of pregnant women in Iran [81]. In addition, some studies suggested that self-efficacy can also be affected by interpersonal processes, such as social interaction and social support [82][83][84][85]. For example, Siciliano argued that self-efficacy can be strengthened by relevant knowledge and beliefs accessed from the individual’s social network [86]. Indeed, there is evidence to support the positive correlation between social support and self-efficacy, i.e., people with a higher level of perceived social support often feel more confident in their abilities [87][88]. Hence, self-efficacy is positively associated with perceived social support while negatively related to depression. Moreover, some studies have empirically confirmed the mediating role of self-efficacy between some environmental variables (e.g., stressful life events, intimate partner violence) and depression [73][89]. Considering all these relationships, self-efficacy may be expected to mediate the link between perceived social support and depression, but few empirical studies have rigorously tested this mediating relationship.

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Zhiya Hua
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