1. Reconstructions

Reconstructions of Proto-Hmong–Mien include those of Purnell (1970),^[1] Wang & Mao (1995), Ratliff (2010), and Chen (2013), and Ostapirat (2016). Proto-Hmongic (Proto-Miao) has also been reconstructed by Wang (1994),^[2] while Proto-Mienic (Proto-Mjuenic; reconstruction excludes Biao Min and Zao Min) has been reconstructed by Luang-Thongkum (1993).^[3]

1.1. Ratliff (2010)

Martha Ratliff (2010) used 11 criterion languages for her reconstruction.

1. East Hmongic (Qiandong); Northern vernacular: Yanghao 养蒿, Yanghao Township, Taijiang County, Guizhou
2. North Hmongic (Xiangxi); Western vernacular: Jiwei 吉卫, Jiwei Township, Huayuan County, Hunan
3. West Hmongic (Chuanqiandian): White Hmong of Laos and Thailand
4. West Hmongic (Chuanqiandian); Mashan subdialect, Central vernacular: Zongdi 宗地, Zongdi Township, Ziyun County, Guizhou
5. West Hmongic (Chuanqiandian); Luopohe subdialect: Fuyuan 复员, Fuyuan County, Yunnan
6. Hmongic; Jiongnai: Changdong Township 长垌, Jinxiu County, Guangxi
7. Hmongic; Baiyun Pa-Hng: Baiyun 白云, Rongshui County, Guangxi
8. Mienic; Mien, Luoxiang vernacular: Luoxiang Township 罗香, Jinxiu County, Guangxi
9. Mienic; Mun: Lanjin Township 览金, Lingyun County, Guangxi
10. Mienic; Biao Min: Dongshan Yao Township 东山, Quanzhou County, Guangxi
11. Mienic; Zao Min: Daping Township 大平, Liannan County, Guangdong

1.2. Wang & Mao (1995)

Wang & Mao (1995) base their Proto-Hmong–Mien reconstruction from the following 23 criterion Hmong-Mien languages.

1. Yanghao 养蒿; Hmu, North (ISO 693-3: [hea])
2. Jiwei 吉卫; Qo Xiong, West [mmr]
3. Xianjin 先进 ( = Dananshan 大南山); Chuanqiandian Miao, 1st lect [cqd]
4. Shimenkan 石门坎; Diandongbei Miao [hmd]
5. Qingyan 青岩;^[4] Guiyang Miao, North [huj]
6. Gaopo 高坡; Huishui Miao, North [hmi]
7. Zongdi 宗地; Mashan Miao, Central [hmm]
8. Fuyuan 复员;^[5] Luopohe Miao, 2nd lect [hml]
9. Fengxiang 枫香; Chong'anjiang Miao [hmj]
10. Qibainong 七百弄; Bunu, Dongnu [bwx]
11. Yaoli 瑶里;^[6] Nao Klao, Baonuo [bwx]
12. Wenjie 文界; Pa-Hng, Sanjiang [pha]
13. Changdong 长峒; Jiongnai [pnu]
14. Duozhu 多祝;^[7] She [shx]
15. Jiangdi 江底; Iu Mien, Guangdian [ium]
16. Xiangjiang 湘江; Iu Mien, Xiangnan [ium]
17. Luoxiang 罗香; Luoxiang Mien AKA Ao Biao [ium]
18. Changping 长坪; Changping Mien AKA Biao Mon [ium]
19. Liangzi 梁子; Kim Mun [mji]
20. Lanjin 览金; Kim Mun [mji]
21. Dongshan 东山; Biao Mon, Dongshan [bmt]
22. Sanjiang 三江; Biao Mon, Shikou AKA Chao Kong Meng [bmt]
23. Daping 大坪; Dzao Min [bpn]

2. Phonology

2.1. Ratliff (2010)

Martha Ratliff's 2010 reconstruction contains the following phonemic inventory.

• 51–54 consonants (including pre-glottalized and pre-nasalized consonants)
• 9 monophthong vowels
• 7 diphthongs
• 11 nasal rimes

The full set of Proto-Hmong–Mien initial consonants is (Ratliff 2010: 31):

The 3 medial consonants are *-j-, *-l-, and *-r-. The 6 final stop consonants are *-p, *-t, *-k, *-m, *-n, and *-ŋ.

The Proto-Hmong–Mien vowels are (11 total) (Ratliff 2010: 108):

Proto-Hmong–Mien has the following syllable structure (Ratliff 2010:10):

  (C) C [j/w/l] [i̯/u̯] (V) V C (C)^T

Ratliff does not reconstruct vowel length for either Proto-Mienic or Proto-Hmong–Mien. Even though Mienic languages usually have vowel length, Ratliff ascribes this to areal features that were borrowed after the breakup of Proto-Mienic.^[8] Neighboring languages with vowel length include Cantonese and Zhuang.

2.2. Ostapirat (2016)

Ostapirat (2016)^[9] revises various reconstructed Proto-Hmong–Mien consonant initials proposed by Ratliff (2010), and suggests that many proto-initials are in fact sesquisyllables, in line with Baxter & Sagart's (2014) Old Chinese reconstruction and Pittayaporn's (2009) Proto-Tai reconstruction. Examples include reconstructing *m.l- and *m.r- where Ratliff (2010) reconstructs *mbl- and *mbr-, respectively.

Ostapirat (2016) also reconstructs velarized initial consonants (*Cˠ-) where Ratliff (2010) reconstructs -j- or -w-.

Additionally, Ostapirat revises Ratliff's uvulars (*q-, etc.) as velars (*k-, etc.), and her palatals as either alveolars or palatals.

3. Vocabulary

Below are some reconstructed words roughly belonging to the semantic domains of agriculture and subsistence (Ratliff 2004; Greenhill et al. 2008; Starling 1998). Terms for domesticated animals and non-rice crops are usually shared with Chinese, while vocabulary relating to hunting, rice crops, and local plants and animals are usually not shared with Chinese.

The ethnonym Hmong is reconstructed as *hmʉŋ^A in Proto-Hmongic by Ratliff (2010), while Mien is reconstructed as *mjæn^A in Proto-Mienic. In comparison, William H. Baxter and Laurent Sagart (2014)^[10] reconstruct the Old Chinese name of the Mán 蠻 (Nanman 南蠻, or southern foreigners) as 蠻 *mˤro[n].

4. External Relationships

The Proto-Hmong–Mien language shares many lexical similarities with neighboring language families, including Austroasiatic, Kra-Dai (Tai-Kadai), Austronesian, and Tibeto-Burman (Ratliff 2010). Martha Ratliff (2010:233-237) lists the following lexical resemblances between Proto-Hmong–Mien (abbreviated below as PHM) and other language families. Proto-Hmongic and Proto-Mienic are provided if the Proto-Hmong–Mien form is not reconstructed.

3.1. Austroasiatic

Many lexical resemblances are found between the Hmong-Mien and Austroasiatic language families (Ratliff 2010), some of which had earlier been proposed by Haudricourt (1951).^[11] Proto-Austroasiatic (PAA) reconstructions are from Sidwell & Rau (2015).^[12]

Lexical resemblances with Austroasiatic

• PHM *ʔu̯əm 'water'
• PHM *ntshjamX 'blood'; PAA *saːm 'to bleed'
• PHM *ntju̯əŋH 'tree'
• PHM *ʔɲæmX 'to weep, cry'
• PHM *pənX 'to shoot'
• PHM *tu̯eiX 'tail'; PAA *sntaʔ
• PHM *mpeiH 'to dream'
• PHM *ʔpu̯ɛŋX 'full'; PAA *biːŋ; *beːɲ
• Proto-Hmongic *mbrɔ^D 'ant'
• Proto-Mienic *səp^D 'centipede'
• PHM *klup 'grasshopper'
• PHM *ntshjeiX 'head louse'; PAA *ciːʔ

Other Austroasiatic parallels listed by Kosaka (2002:94) are:^[13]

• PHM *tshuŋX 'bone'; PAA *cʔaːŋ
• PHM *S-phreiX 'head'
• PHM *pji̯əuX 'fruit'
• PHM *pjɔu 'three'

Ostapirat (2018:116-117)^[14] lists compares the following basic vocabulary items in Hmong-Mien and Austroasiatic.

Further lexical resemblances between Hmong-Mien and Austroasiatic are listed in Hsiu (2017).^[17]

3.2. Kra-Dai

Many lexical resemblances are found between the Hmong-Mien and Kra-Dai language families, although the tones often do not correspond (Ratliff 2010). Proto-Tai (abbreviated here as PT) reconstructions are from Pittayaporn (2009).^[18] Many of the Proto-Tai forms also have close parallels with Proto-Austronesian.

Lexical resemblances with Kra-Dai

• Proto-Hmongic *kɛŋ^B 'I, 1.SG'; PT *kuː^A (strong form), *kaw^A (weak form)
• PHM *mu̯ei 'thou, 2.SG'; PT *mɯŋ^A (strong form), *maɰ^A (weak form)
• PHM *təjH 'to die', *dəjH 'to kill'; PT *p.taːj^A 'to die'
• PHM *ʔneinX 'this'; PT *naj^C
• PHM *m-nɔk 'bird'; PT *C̬.nok^D
• PHM *mbrəuX 'fish'; PT *plaː^A
• Proto-Hmongic *hmaŋ^C 'wild dog'; PT *ʰmaː^A 'dog'
• Proto-Hmongic *ʔlin^A 'monkey'; PT *liːŋ^A

Kosaka (2002)^[13] lists many lexical resemblances between Kra-Dai and Hmong-Mien languages, and proposes that they form part of a larger Miao-Dai language family.

3.3. Austronesian

Many lexical resemblances are found between the Hmong-Mien and Austronesian language families, some of which are also shared with Kra-Dai and Austroasiatic (Ratliff 2010). Proto-Austronesian (abbreviated here as PAN) and Proto-Malayo-Polynesian (abbreviated here as PMP) reconstructions are from Blust (n.d.).^[19]

Lexical resemblances with Austronesian and Kra-Dai

• Proto-Hmongic *kɛŋ^B 'I, 1.SG'; PMP *-ku 'my'
• PHM *mu̯ei 'thou, 2.SG'; PAN *-mu '2nd person'
• PHM *mi̯əu 'you (plural), 2.PL'; PAN *-mu '2nd person'
• PHM *təjH 'to die'; PAN *ma-aCay
• PHM *dəjH 'to kill'; PAN *pa-aCay
• PHM *m-nɔk 'bird'; PMP *manuk

Lexical resemblances with Austronesian and Austroasiatic

• PHM *tu̯eiX 'tail'; PMP *buntut
• PHM *pu̯ɛŋX 'full'; PMP *penuq
• PHM *pənX 'to shoot'; PMP *panaq
• PHM *mpeiH 'to dream'; PAN *Sepi, PMP *hi(m)pi

Other lexical resemblances with Austronesian

• PHM *mlu̯ɛjH 'soft'; PMP *ma-lumu
• PHM *dəp 'bite'; PMP *ketep
• PHM *klæŋ 'insect, worm, maggot'; PAN *qulej 'maggot'
• PHM *tɛmX 'body louse'; PAN *CumeS, PMP *tumah 'clothes louse'

3.4. Tibeto-Burman

Ratliff notes that the Hmong-Mien numerals from 4-9 and various culture-related vocabulary have been borrowed from Tibeto-Burman. The Proto-Tibeto-Burman (abbreviated as PTB) forms provided below are from James Matisoff (2003).^[20]

Lexical borrowings from Tibeto-Burman

• PHM *plei 'four' < PTB *b-ləy (STEDT #2409)
• PHM *prja 'five' < PTB *b-ŋa (STEDT #1306)
• PHM *kruk 'six' < PTB *d-k-ruk (STEDT #2621)
• PHM *dzjuŋH 'seven'
• PHM *jat 'eight' < PTB *b-r-gyat ~ *b-g-ryat (STEDT #2259)
• PHM *N-ɟuə 'nine' < PTB *d/s-kəw (STEDT #2364)
• Proto-Hmongic *hnɛŋ^A and Proto-Mienic *hnu̯ɔi^A 'sun, day' < PTB *s-nəy (STEDT #85)
• PHM *hlaH 'moon, month' < PTB *s-la (STEDT #1016)
• PHM *hməŋH 'night' (also 'dark') < PTB *s-muːŋ 'dark' (STEDT #522; #2465)
• PHM *ʔɲam 'sister-in-law' (also 'daughter-in-law') < PTB *nam 'daughter-in-law' (STEDT #2486)
• PHM *ʔweiX 'son-in-law' < PTB *krwəy (STEDT #2348)
• PHM *hlep 'to slice' < PTB *s-lep (STEDT #2401)
• PHM *hmjænX 'footprint, track' < PTB *s-naŋ 'to follow' (STEDT #2488)
• Proto-Hmongic *mjæn^B 'horse' < PTB *mraŋ (STEDT #1431)

Additionally, Paul K. Benedict (1987)^[21] notes that Proto-Hmong–Mien contains loanwords from an unknown Tibeto-Burman language or branch, which Benedict refers to as Donor Miao-Yao. Reconstructions for some numerals that Benedict (1987) reconstructed for Proto-Donor Miao-Yao are given below.

• *pli^A 'four'
• *pra^A 'five'
• *truk 'six'
• *znis 'seven'
• *hryat 'eight'
• *t-gu^A 'nine'
• *gup 'ten'

The content is sourced from: https://handwiki.org/wiki/Social:Proto-Hmong%E2%80%93Mien