In this work we intend to analyze, as a case study, several works from China decorated with
cloissoné enamel. This technique came to China in the 13th-14th centuries from Byzantium and from the Islamic sphere.
4 During the Yuan Dynasty, at the same time that
cloisonné was established in China by Central Asian influence, the use of cobalt blue and Central Asian decorative motifs in porcelain began. The permeability of Chinese art to foreign influences is also reflected in the assimilation of Indianizing floral patterns and Tibetan Buddhist stylistic and icono-graphic influences. In particular,
cloisonné took influences from Tibetan Buddhist art and used five basic colors since the Yuan Dynasty. Furthermore, those five colors were also introduced into porcelain, although in the Ming Dynasty.
3.1. Biblical Figurines from the Metropolitan Museum of Art
Among the oldest pieces in
cloisonné resulting of the assimilation of Christianity in China at the time of the preaching of the Jesuits, the group of four biblical figurines stands out. This group of four biblical figurines, probably used in a small oratory or domestic altar, is now kept in the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York (Accession number. 1997.115a—d). The figurines represent the prophets David, young Isaiah, Moses and old Isaiah and were made in the 18th century (
Figure 1) (
Bailey 2004, pp. 119, 121, Figure 8.23;
Quette 2011, pp. 55, 276, cat. n. 102, Figure 3.44).
Figure 1. Figurines of prophets, 18th century, China. Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Photo: Metropolitan Museum of Art, Public Domain.
Each figurine is approximately 12 cm tall. They are based on contemporary European models, possibly copied through engravings. The most interesting element is the Chinese inscriptions on the tablets and documents that the prophets hold and that suggest that these pieces were intended not only for Western preachers, but also for upper-class Chinese converts—those wealthy enough to be literate:
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開治主道 (prepare the way of the Lord) Isaiah 40:3, it corresponds to the figure of young Isaiah.
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前三誡,後七誡 (the first three Commandments, the last seven Commandments), it corresponds to the figure of Moses.
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將有童女生子名曰瑪奴阨耳 (A virgin will conceive and give birth to a son, and will call him Immanuel), Isaiah 7:14, it corresponds to the figure of old Isaiah.
These figures were probably part of a larger group of prophets who developed more clearly the connection between the Old Testament and the New Testament, that is, between the prophecies and Christ. Their small size suggests that they were not designed for display in a church. We believe that these figurines could have been part of a small oratory, in whose intimacy probably some literate Chinese converts and the Jesuit missionaries would reflect on the Christian texts written in Chinese. In evangelizing policy it was essential to raise the historical character of Christianity to integrate the “Other” in the great story of Salvation, as it was done in the evangelization of America. Likewise, through the adaptationist method, we believe that it would be sought to equate the prophets with the ancient sages and ancient Chinese scholars, such as Confucius and Lao-Tse. Obviously, a society such as the Chinese, which appreciated the antiquity of the lineage and worshiped their ancestors, would more easily accept an ancient religion and a powerful written tradition of a moralizing character. Antiquity, literary culture and moral paradigm that the prophets would perfectly personify, presided over by Moses himself with the Commandments of the Law of God.
On the other hand, also following the adaptationist method, these figurines could have been assimilated to traditional Chinese deities, such as the Eight Taoist Immortals, the Buddhist arhats—usually in groups of sixteen or eighteen—or Caishen, the god of prosperity who usually carries a scroll with an inscription. This assimilation with divinities of the Chinese Buddhist or Taoist tradition could also explain why the figure of Isaiah is repeated within the same set of prophets. This is something that normally happens with divinities that manifest in different ways in the same iconographic cycle, for example the nine manifestations of Caishen or the different personifications of the virtues of Buddha through the bodhisattvas. Likewise, the statuettes of the Chinese deities were exhibited in small domestic altars in the shape of a niche or a small building in which several shelves were arranged. On these shelves figurines were placed to receive worship through prayers and offerings of incense and food. An example of this type of domestic altar is preserved in the Museo de Arte Oriental of Santo Tomás Convent in Ávila, Spain (Figure 2). Perhaps the Metropolitan’s figurines of prophets were arranged on such a domestic altar too.
Figure 2. Domestic altar, Vietnam, 19th century. Museo de Arte Oriental, Ávila. Photo: Alberto Vela.
3.2. Chalice and Paten of the Musée Départemental d’Art Religieux de Sées
There are several
cloisonné chalices and patens for Christian liturgical use made in China during 19th century. The chalice owned by the Missions Étrangères in Paris is decorated with Christian scenes and symbols such as crosses, the hand of God and beasts from the Chinese calendar symbols, including the dragon (VV.AA.,
Musee National des Arts Asiatiques-Guimet 1997, pp. 156–57, cat. n. 49). The chalice of the Park Abbey in Heverlee (Belgium) is decorated with vegetal motifs and stars, and its paten represents the Lamb of God surrounded by stars. According to its inscription “Beijing Dianzhutan zhi cao”, it was made by the cathedral of Beijing, called Xuanwumen Tianzhutang or Nantang (
Bisscop 2010, cat. n. 6.77). The chalice owned by the Apostolines of Berchem in Anvers (Belgium) is decorated with Christian scenes, vine leaves and several traditional Chinese flowers such as peonies. It has the inscription “Dil. Fratri Henrico, Jubilanti Sacerd. & Profess. Sem. Hoogstratani/dedit Hubertus Otto/Epsc. assurae. vic. ap. Kan-sou, Olim Alumnus Huj. Sem./Artifex Sienensis Fecit Peking/1866–1891” (
Bisscop 2010, cat. n. 6.76). That is to say, “To dear Brother Henry, retired priest and professor at Hoogstraten seminary, Hubert Otto, Bishop of Assuras, Apostolic Vicar of Kan-su (Lanzhou), formerly his student at the seminary, I dedicate (this chalice). A Chinese craftsman did (it) in Peking. 1866–1891”. It is a work made in Beijing in 1891 and bears a mark in the shape of a lotus flower with a letter D.
We also know two 19th century Chinese chalices sold by Christie’s in Paris on 26 June 2013 (lot 141)
5 and on 7th November 2013 (lot 271).
6 Both of them have the inscription in Chinese characters “Beijing Tianzhutang Zhizao” (Made in the Hall of Heaven in Beijing) that allude again to the Beijing Cathedral (Tianzhutang or Nantang). In its decoration, the white background stands out, as well as green palm leaves and red, yellow and blue stars. Additionally, an important chalice and its paten were sold by Bonhams in London on 8th November 2012 (lot 257).
7 The paten is decorated with the coat of arms of Pius X as the Patriarch of Venice, a position which he held from 1893 to 1903. This coat of arms also decorates the main façade of the Cathedral of Beijing (South Church) (
Sweeten 2019, Figure 3.11, p. 101).
The case study of the unpublished chalice and paten of the Musée départemental d’art religieux de Sées (Accession number 2008.01.01.01) (Figure 3) is especially interesting because of its early date in 1877, its decoration and the long Chinese inscription on its paten.
Figure 3. Chalice and its paten, 1877, China. Musée départemental d’art religieux de Sées. Photo: Musée départemental d’art religieux de Sées.
The chalice is 26 cm height and 17.5 cm width (Figure 4). The paten has a diameter of 16.5 cm. We observe the pink color in several of the flowers represented on the chalice and on the paten, on the cross of the foot of the chalice and on the IHS (Christogram) of the paten. If to this fact we add the neo-Gothic typology of the chalice and the different elements of the same inspiration that appear on the paten, such as the tetralobe and the caligraphy of the letters IHS topped in a cross, everything leads us to propose a chronology framed in the 19th century.
Figure 4. Chalice of Figure 3. Photo: Conseil départemental de l’Orne/Thierry Ollivier.
These observations are consistent with the French inscription under the base of the chalice “+ Offert a Monseigneur Delaplace par les missionaires de Pe-King. Souvenir de la consécration Episcopale 25 Juillet 1852–1877” (Figure 5). As we can see, the chalice and its paten were offered to Louis-Gabriel Delaplace (1820–1884)—Bishop of Hadrianopolis in Honoriade from 1852—by the Beijing missionaries in 1877 on the occasion of the 25th anniversary of his episcopal consecration.
Figure 5. Chalice (detail under the base) of Figure 3. Photo: Conseil départemental de l’Orne/Thierry Ollivier.
According to the information provided to us by the Museum, both pieces are a work of Geffroy, a goldsmith possibly active in the missionary environment of the Lazarists in Beijing. The decoration of the Sées chalice and paten follows, as in the case of the Cerralbo Bell that we will see later, the Chinese floral and animalistic tradition. This decoration was connected with ethical and moral symbolism. In the objects with study here this symbolism seems to be adapted to Christian discourse, mainly the meaning of the Eucharist (Figure 6). The white plum flowers, reminiscent of winter, the yellow chrysanthemums of autumn and the red orchids of spring indicate the passage of time and the flow of life, which together with the representation of blue irises (it was thought that they prolonged life by eating them) referred to the eternal life of Christ and in Christ. For their part, the insects represented follow the Chinese tradition that seeks to attract good luck. In particular, the butterfly (蝴蝶 hú dié) among the plum blossoms refers to the search for a happy love, in this case the love of God, a symbolism reinforced by the bees (蜜蜂 mì fēng), which allude so much to the aspiration to a superior position as to love. In turn, cicadas (蝉 chán) represent immortality due to their own life cycle, in which they emerge as if by magic from the ground after many years living in the dark as a larva that feeds on roots (Figure 7). Completing this symbolism is the scarab (甲虫 jiǎchóng), represented here as Anoplophora chinensis and symbolizing creation, resurrection and new life in Chinese culture. In the same way, the human soul will be reborn from the dead in the light of Christ, and the idea of that same light is reinforced by the presence of the firefly (萤火虫 yíng huǒ chóng), which also refers to beauty, perseverance and loyalty, virtues that all Christian followers of the Gospel message need and profess. The turquoise blue background decoration (青色 qīngsè) of the paten and chalice represents healing, confidence and long life.
Figure 6. Chalice (detail of the upper side of the base) of Figure 3. Photo: Musée départemental d’art religieux de Sées.
Figure 7. Chalice (detail of the upper side of the base) of Figure 3. Photo: Musée départemental d’art religieux de Sées.
On this background, in the case of the paten, in addition to the floral and insect decoration, there are, in black with gold edging, twelve Chinese characters in a circular arrangement around the tetralobe with the monogram of Christ (
Figure 8). Without forgetting the symbolic value of the number twelve in Christianity (twelve are the tribes of Israel, twelve are the apostles, twelve are the legions of angels), the characters, read from the upper central part in an anti-clockwise direction, refer to Psalm 23: 1 of the Bible. These are the Chinese characters and their Latin transcription in the
pīnyīn system: 耶穌吾牧且吾真食憐視我等 (
Yēsū wú mù qiě wú zhēn shí lián shì wǒ děng)
8 whose approximate translation would be “Jesus is my shepherd and my true food, he has shown me mercy”. The meaning of the inclusion of this psalm is directly related to the usefulness of the paten itself in the Eucharist, used to support the body of Christ at the moment of Communion, after the
fractio panis.
Figure 8. Paten (detail of the upper side) of Figure 3, with the Psalm 23: 1 inscribed. Photo: Manuel Parada.
In short, the chalice and paten of the Musée départemental d’art religieux de Sées are hybrid works of art. Their typology corresponds to those of Christian liturgical vessels, in this case inspired by a neo-Gothic morphology. In turn, they present Chinese technical and decorative elements, that is, metal with cloisonné enamel that shows animals and insects linked to the passing of the year, love, good luck and immortality. These traditional elements of the Chinese decorative and symbolic heritage join traditional Christian elements (the IHS, the cross and the neo-Gothic typology of the chalice and paten), as well as the Eucharistic message of Psalm 23. Furthermore, this chalice manifests the conceptual fusion between the Christian chalice and the Chinese gold cup of eternal stability. This kind of cup or goblet was used by the emperor to drink tusu wine during New Year ceremonies, which would ensure the continuity and stability of China (Figure 9). Christian chalices have a certain resemblance to this liturgical symbolism, since they serve for the priest to renew the promise of Salvation—that Christ made at the Last Supper—over and over again during the liturgical cycle.
Figure 9. Gold cups of eternal stability, probably 1739–1740 and 1740–1741, Beijing, China. Wallace Collection, London. Photo: Wallace Collection.
The chalice and paten of the Musée départemental d’art religieux de Sées were offered in 1877 by the active priests in Beijing for Bishop Louis-Gabriel Delaplace, who is well known for his eventful life of evangelization in China as Vicar Apostolic of Beijing and Zhili North from 1870 to his death in 1884. In fact, this chalice may have been the one Delaplace used to preach to the native population in Beijing and during his travels through rural China (
Vie et Apostolat de Monseigneur Louis Gabriel Delaplace, Éveque Titulaire d’Adrinople, Vicaire Apostolique de Péking, décédé à Péking le 24 mai 1884 [écrite pour les deux Familles de saint Vincent de Paul] 1892, p. 252). This chalice, as a hybrid work of art, is comparable to the fifth West Church of Beijing, which was promoted by Delaplace. Although he wanted a church built
à l’européenne, in Neo-Renaissance style, the building included several features of the local tradition, such as Chinese floral designs on the entablature, several lotus flower roundels and Chinese monumental inscriptions that “conveyed Christian sentiments with Confucian undertones” (
Sweeten 2019, pp. 105–7).
3.3. The Bell of the Cerralbo Museum in Madrid
The last analysis of our study will focus on a piece for decorative and symbolic purposes designed and made in China during the Qing dynasty (probably between 1776 and 1825). It is the bell of the Cerralbo Museum in Madrid (Accession number 03649) (Figure 10), which is part of a more extensive collection of high-quality Chinese pieces that Enrique de Aguilera y Gamboa (1845–1922), 17th Marquis of Cerralbo, collected during his life together with hundreds of other oriental objects from Japan, the Philippines, Portuguese India and Southeast Asia.
Figure 10. Bell, between 1776 and 1825, China. Museo Cerralbo, Madrid. Photo: Museo Cerralbo.
Made of copper and cloisonné, with dimensions of 36.5 × 35.7 cm, in its upper part it presents a rounded shape in which a golden two-headed dragon hanger is inserted, the fifth symbol of the Chinese zodiac and related to the emperor. This solar symbol, which expresses Yang energy, that is, virile power and strength, applied to a Christian element could refer to Christ as the center from which power and glory emanate. The skirt with a turquoise blue background, partitioned with a geometric grid, presents plum (winter), peony (spring) and chrysanthemum (autumn) flowers, with birds on the branches and butterflies in flight (蝴蝶 hú dié). This type of motif dates back to the Song dynasty (960–1279), to the paintings of traditional naturalistic landscapes of mountains, flowers, fruits and birds. Closely linked to Taoism, these floral representations pursued the integration of nature and man, and the experience of their vital rhythms. The references to the seasons in the decoration of the bell complete the iconographic program of the Chaflán Hall of the Cerralbo Museum, which was once a private home. This room, intended for gatherings and rest after dancing, also presents a pictorial mural decoration based on the cycle of the seasons of the year, with elements that refer to the process of cultivating the land. The bell also has a border with bats on a green background on the lower edge, on which there is another, narrower, of red and white triangles, motifs introduced at the end of the Qing dynasty as a symbol of good omen for the owner of the object. In Chinese, the word bat and happiness are homophones (fu), so this type of representation would be very common during this time, which coincides with the reign of Emperor Qianlong (1735–1796). In the upper area, a radial pattern of chrysanthemum surrounded by other flowers, stems and floral border with butterflies frames the ensemble, also similar to another enamel bell with bronze dragon fittings preserved in the Museo Nacional de Artes Decorativas in Madrid (Accession number DE10240).
Regarding the original function of the Cerralbo bell, it can be said that it would be a decorative or symbolic object, since the enamel would come off if the bell rang regularly. It could be an ornamental export work intended for the West or a symbolic bell for the Chinese Christian community, just as Buddhist cloisonné bells were made not to be tolled but to be displayed among the objects with religious or moral connotations in the dens of monks and scholars.