This study revealed a positive association between children’s electronic media consumption and internalizing problems, corroborating previous research findings [55] and confirming Hypothesis 1. The social displacement hypothesis posits that if individuals spend too much time using electronic media such as cell phones and computers, they inevitably spend less time communicating in the real world [19]. However, individuals who spend less time socializing in the real world will likely experience diminished interpersonal skills [56] and an increased risk of social anxiety [57，58]. Therefore, the extensive utilization of electronic media by children significantly impinges on their offline communication, leading to a gradual disengagement of children from real-world socialization. This phenomenon can be attributed to the disparities between interactions in the virtual realm and those in reality [59], as well as the predominantly fictitious or surreal nature of the content to which children are exposed in the virtual world [60]. Hence, it is plausible that children who have become accustomed to engaging in online communication may exhibit heightened vulnerability to experiencing discomfort or frustration when engaging in offline communication, potentially exacerbating internalized issues such as anxiety, depression, and social withdrawal behaviors [16，17，18].

Electronic media harbor a plethora of information, yet the nature of the content children are exposed to is not consistently positive. Riddle and Martins conducted a comprehensive analysis spanning two decades which included an assessment of 21 primetime television programs and movies aired on 765 broadcast and cable networks in the United States. Their findings revealed a substantial escalation in the prevalence of violent content [61]. Consequently, as children’s utilization of electronic media increases, the likelihood of their exposure to objectionable online material, such as violence and pornography, increases proportionally [62]. Children’s prolonged exposure to violent content negatively affects their social development [63]. Lin et al. investigated the brain structure of experimental subjects with the help of Voxel-based morphometry (VBM). They found that as an individual’s exposure to online games increased, their hippocampal gray matter density decreased accordingly [64]. As a higher center for learning, the hippocampus is associated with the performance of an individual’s working memory [65]. A child with deficits in working memory is likely to have suboptimal emotional regulation capabilities [66]. Therefore, these impairments significantly impede their ability to adapt effectively to societal demands, exacerbating internalizing difficulties [67].

The findings also validated Hypothesis 2, demonstrating that parent–child conflict mediated the relationship between children’s utilization of electronic media and internalizing problems. This result reinforces the importance of “technoference” within familial dynamics, as it emerges as a crucial detriment of the quality of family relationships. Specifically, if a family member is addicted to electronic media, their interactions with other family members will be jeopardized, which is not conducive to forming a positive parent–child relationship [68]. Furthermore, it should be noted that the quality of content available on electronic media exhibits variability [69]. Concurrently, the utilization of electronic media by children has been found to affect their sleep patterns and injure their visual health [70]. Therefore, children’s engagement in electronic media tends to prompt parents to adopt restrictive parenting approaches [71], giving rise to conflicts between parents and children [72].

Caution is due here because variations exist in the parental approaches embraced across different countries, driven by diverse cultural contexts [73]. Within Asia, a collectivist cultural orientation prevails, characterizing children as subservient within the family unit. In this framework, stringent discipline is often perceived as beneficial, while its absence is construed as inadequate supervision and care [74]. Conversely, European and South American societies emphasize the significance of treating children with respect and emotional acceptance, associating rigid control with adverse outcomes [75]. Asian parents lean towards cultivating discipline and constraint in child rearing, while South American and European counterparts prioritize tolerance, respect, and acceptance. As a result, parental behaviors concerning children’s exposure to electronic media diverge across cultural landscapes. Yu et al. underscored that Chinese parents exhibited greater involvement in overseeing their children’s electronic media usage than their American counterparts [76]. Similarly, Korean parents accentuated the adverse effects of electronic media on children [77]. However, in the Netherlands, parents assume the roles of supervisors and co-users in their children’s engagement with electronic media, granting older children autonomy in its utilization [78]. Contrasting with Western perspectives, parents in Asian nations such as China and Korea display heightened vigilance and reservations towards electronic media. Moreover, public opinion associates addiction to electronic media with educational failure, leading many parents to view electronic media as a “scourge” [79]. Such extreme perceptions escalate the likelihood of authoritarian parenting and parent–child conflicts [80，81].

It is worth highlighting the notion in attachment theory that individuals who develop insecure attachments with their parents are prone to extending this sentiment to other social groups [26]. Children with insecure attachments have significantly larger late amygdala volumes [82], and the brain-structure change increases children’s responses to adverse stimuli and amplifies the impact of negative events [83]. Hence, the presence of parent–child conflict may have a destructive impact on children’s social and emotional well-being, impeding their ability to establish trust in others. This may manifest in avoiding intimate interactions, heightened feelings of isolation, and an escalation of internalizing issues, such as depression and anxiety [28].

Perhaps the most striking finding of this study is that the pathway of electronic media use through parent–child conflict to internalizing problems is moderated by children’s age, which supports Hypothesis 3. Parent–child conflict was significantly associated with internalizing problems for younger and older children. However, age amplified the positive correlation between parent–child conflict and internalizing problems. Specifically, older children demonstrated increased vulnerability to parent–child conflict, leading to a more pronounced expression of internalizing problems than in their younger counterparts.

The concept of bidirectionality in parent–child relationships highlights the involvement of reciprocal influence in the social dynamic between parents and children [84]. This implies that children are not merely passive recipients in the parent–child relationship, but rather that their age and temperament have counteractive effects on this relationship [85]. As children mature, they progressively expand their social horizons and develop greater autonomy [86]. Therefore, when parents persist in perceiving their children to be immature and exhibit excessive concern over them, akin to their behaviors during their children’s early years, the child tends to interpret such behavior as an interference or as a negation of their autonomy [87]. This disrespectful approach is prone to inciting emotional difficulties in the child [88].

Additionally, as children grow up, they progressively encounter intensified academic demands and interpersonal rivalries [89]. Compared to students in other nations, students in some Asian countries devote much time to their educational pursuits and frequently experience severe psychological strain due to excessive after-school programs [90]. The prevailing adherence to Confucianism in China is pervasive, leading to the adoption of examination-based talent selection methods [91]. Consequently, Chinese parents commonly hold elevated expectations for their children’s educational achievements, which might place a heavy psychological burden on older children [92]. Evidence suggests that psychological stress or depression generally leads to heightened susceptibility to negative events and intensified consequences of adverse events [93]. Therefore, compared to younger children, when older children are confronted with stressful situations, they may experience parent–child conflict more acutely and are more likely to have internalizing problems.

There are several noteworthy limitations inherent to the present study. Firstly, it must be acknowledged that this study did not employ a causal experimental or a longitudinal follow-up design. Consequently, it was challenging to effectively investigate the causal associations among children’s utilization of electronic media, parent–child conflict, age, and internalizing problems. In other words, the model used might not be the only model supported by the data. Hence, it is recommended that future research endeavors embrace an experimental or longitudinal design to extensively elucidate the underlying effects mechanism among the variables under investigation.

Secondly, implementing the convenience sampling method for data collection in this study might warrant scrutiny. Thus, the generalizability of the findings may be exclusively constrained to the northern region of China and to those children who appear to be using electronic media. Moreover, parents from different cultural backgrounds may adopt varied parenting styles when addressing children’s use of electronic media, which could further influence the manifestation of parent–child conflicts. Therefore, subsequent research should utilize a broader and more representative sample from diverse ethnic groups, regions, and cultures to thoroughly assess the association between children’s electronic media use and its outcomes.

Thirdly, the data for this study were sourced from parents residing with their children, predicated on the assumption that such parents possess significant insight into their children’s behavior and experiences. However, some working parents might need more time to monitor their children closely. We should have inquired about the parents’ parenting styles, the daily amount of time they spend with their children, or their confidence in evaluating their child’s behavior, which might affect the accuracy of our study’s results. Thus, we will enhance our understanding of these factors in future research to yield more convincing results.

Fourthly, this study examined children’s internalizing problems across a broader age range and found no significant correlation between age and internalizing problems. However, due to the utilization of a unidimensional measurement scale for internalizing problems in our study, it could not capture the qualitative differences in various aspects of internalizing problems (such as depression, anxiety, and social withdrawal) that may evolve with age. Therefore, future research could employ alternative tools that comprehensively depict internalizing problems, aiming to provide a more nuanced understanding of how these issues transform with age.

Lastly, it is essential to note that the data relied solely on parental reports, thus somewhat neglecting the “voices” and perspectives of the children. Subsequent studies should incorporate children’s perspectives to systematically explore the relationships among children’s age, electronic media use, parent–child conflict, and internalizing problems, accounting for the diverse viewpoints of both parents and children.