In March 2020, the World Health Organization (WHO) declared the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19), which is triggered by the Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome Coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2), a pandemic [1]. The impacts of the pandemic on food systems and food security have been induced by the virus control measures—such as lockdowns; home quarantines; and social distancing—imposed by governments ^[2][3][20,30]. The effects of the pandemic were evident not just in developing nations but also in developed countries ^[4][5][5,27]. Effects on food security were especially severe in emerging low- and middle-income nations, affecting all pillars (namely availability, access, utilization, and stability) ^[6][31]. Furthermore, according to many studies ^{[6][7][8][9][10]}[31,32,33,34,35], the COVID-19 pandemic affected consumers’ eating, shopping, and interaction with food. Indeed, the pandemic induced changes in food purchase modes across the globe; for instance, many people reduced the number of shopping trips during the lockdown and opted to buy more on each trip to minimize their exposure to the virus during store visits. Another shift was a move towards healthier diets, as consumers became more aware of the need to maintain a healthy immune system during the pandemic. Furthermore, there has been an increase in culinary capabilities as more people stayed at home and had more time to experiment with new recipes and cooking techniques. Finally, there were also changes in the generation and management of household food waste.

In the pre-COVID-19 period, agriculture played an important role in many NENA countries, and the region faced a daunting challenge in achieving food and nutrition security for its population. Data from the World Bank ^[11][36], pertaining to the period before COVID-19, confirm that the contribution of the primary sector (viz., agriculture, forestry, and fishing) to the gross domestic product (GDP) in the Arab World (cf. the NENA region) were just 4.88% in 2019, but it varied a lot from one country to another. Indeed, it ranged from less than 1% in many Gulf countries (viz., Bahrain, Kuwait, Qatar, and the UAE) to 20.16% in Sudan, 21.65% in Mauritania, and 40.74% in Syria (Table 1). Furthermore, as of 2019, employment in agriculture was 17.84% in the Arab World (cf. NENA), showing the high socio-economic importance of the primary sector; it ranged from less than 5% in Gulf countries (viz. Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and UAE), Lebanon, and Jordan to more than 30% in Mauritania, Morocco, Sudan, and Yemen. Before the onset of the pandemic, the NENA region already faced considerable challenges regarding food insecurity and malnutrition (Table 1). Indeed, the incidence of undernourishment was high in many NENA countries; in the period 2017–2019, it ranged from less than 2.5% in Algeria, Kuwait, and Tunisia to 11.9% in Mauritania, 12.4% in Sudan, and 23.7% in Iraq. The severity of the problem becomes more apparent and concerning when taking into account the rate of moderate or severe food insecurity, ranging from 12.3% in Kuwait to 44.8% in Mauritania and even as high as 48.9% in Sudan within the same time frame. Between 2017–2019 (pre-COVID-19 period) and 2020–2022 (COVID-19 period), the prevalence of undernourishment rose in many countries throughout the region, such as Egypt, Morocco, and Tunisia.

Meanwhile, moderate or severe food insecurity increased over the same period in Libya, Mauritania, Sudan, and Tunisia. Furthermore, the food security situation in NENA countries is vulnerable, as they rely heavily on imports to meet their growing food needs. For instance, the cereal import dependency ratio is high in all NENA countries (Table 1). Indeed, all NENA countries are net importers of cereals—a basic, staple food in the diets of their populations. The cereal import dependency ratio ranged in the period 2016–2018 from 23.60% in Sudan to 100% in Jordan and the UAE, which means that both countries import all the cereals they consume. This high reliance on cereal imports to meet domestic demand makes NENA countries particularly vulnerable to supply chain disruptions and global food price volatility, especially in the case of geopolitical crises and shocks ^[12][13][14][37,38,39].

Referring to politically fragile countries (e.g., Lebanon, Sudan, and Yemen) in the context of the ongoing conflict in Ukraine, Al-Saidi ^[19][44] proposes that a combination of political-economic instability, constrained domestic agriculture, and inadequate reliable grain reserves have exacerbated the existing food crisis in certain countries. Indeed, the pandemic exacerbated pre-COVID-19 crises in several countries of the MENA region ^[20][45], such as Syria ^[21][46], Iraq ^[21][46], Yemen ^[22][47], Palestine ^[23][48], and Lebanon ^[24][49]. In this respect, the Arab Forum for Environment and Development ^[25][50] suggests that existing issues have made Arab nations much more exposed to the regional implications of both the COVID-19 pandemic and the conflict in Ukraine. For example, the area was already dealing with food insecurity as a result of several issues, such as growing populations, droughts caused by climate change, and internal conflicts. This was worsened by the region’s lack of food self-sufficiency and reliance on imports. Arab nations have also traditionally had high water deficits, with water demand levels exceeding the growth of water resource supply rates. Meanwhile, Ben Hassen et al. ^[23][48] found that the pandemic affected the food security status in the Palestinian territories. Likewise, multiple crises (viz., COVID-19, the economic crisis, and the Beirut port explosions) increased the prevalence of food insecurity in Lebanon ^[26][51]. Some studies even posit that the pandemic slowed down the realization of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in several NENA countries, e.g., Morocco ^[27][52].

2. Agriculture Subsectors and Food Chain Stages

In regards to agriculture subsectors, the majority of the designated publications, particularly those focusing on shifts in food consumption habits and diets during the COVID-19 pandemic, did not mention specific subsectors. Publications examining a distinct agrifood subgroup usually analyze crop farming ^{[28][29][30][31][32]}[100,107,137,138,184], whereas animal production/livestock ^{[32][33][34][35]}[99,118,136,184] and, especially, fisheries/aquaculture ^[36][208] tend to receive less attention. As for crop production, considered crops include wheat ^[28][100], vegetables ^[30][31][137,138], cereals ^[37][189], and fruit ^[30][31][137,138]. Regarding animal production, studies regard poultry ^[33][99] and dairy cattle ^[34][35][118,136]. For example, Osaili et al. ^[34][118] examined the knowledge, perspectives, and behaviors of Jordan’s dairy sector employees in response to COVID-19 regulations and interventions. Only a few articles deal with aquaculture and fisheries; Belton et al. ^[36][208] shed light on the pandemic’s impacts on the value chains of aquatic foods. Some articles deal simultaneously with crop production and animal husbandry; for example, Koussani and Khamassi ^[32][184] explore the impacts of the pandemic on small-scale farmers, generally integrating plants and livestock, in Tunisia. The analysis of eligible studies indicates the pandemic impacted all levels of the food supply chain, including production, processing, transportation, distribution, and consumption. However, most of this research concentrated on the downstream or later phases of the food chain, namely distribution/retail, and consumption, as well as examining food waste. Concurrently, the early food chain phases (namely production) and the intermediary stages (such as handling, processing, and packing) are frequently neglected. Specifically, much of the examined academic literature centers on the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on diets, dietary behaviors, consumption patterns, and food security within the NENA region. The pandemic affected crop production and productivity in different ways. It made it more challenging for farmers, especially small-scale producers, to access inputs, which affected yield and production ^[28][100]. In Tunisia, Koussani and Khamassi ^[32][184] point out that the pandemic led to significant disruptions of agricultural operations, especially in supply chains for raw materials (such as crop protection products/pesticides, fertilizers, seeds, animal feed, etc.) as well as marketing channels. These issues were due to the closure of weekly markets selling perishable goods like leafy vegetables and small livestock. The pandemic also affected access to services such as extensions ^[29][38][107,186]. Selim and Eltarabily ^[29][107], in their study on the effects of the lockdown on small-scale farming in Egypt’s north-eastern Nile Delta, emphasize the issue that without agricultural extension opportunities, there is a noticeable gap in knowledge about enhancing farming methods and adopting smart irrigation systems, which are crucial for water conservation and boosting crop yields. Only a few documents address the processing stage, and often in a marginal way. For instance, Yahia Marzouk and Jin ^[39][108] investigate how relational capital (RC) influences the robustness of small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) in the Egyptian food and beverage sector during the pandemic. The pandemic also affected the marketing and distribution of agri-food products. Several studies report increased recourse to food delivery and e-commerce for food procurement during the pandemic ^{[40][41][42][43][44][45]}[6,73,77,130,135,156]. Numerous studies indicate that the COVID-19 pandemic adversely influenced dietary habits and food consumption patterns, particularly during lockdowns, leading to notable health consequences such as increased rates of overweight and obesity ^{[46][47][48][49][50][51][52][53]}[62,80,157,160,170,187,190,199]. Alkhalaf et al. ^[48][157] found a reduction in the consumption of vegetables and an increase in sweet consumption among Saudi adults. Meanwhile, Braiji et al. ^[54][169], in their study focusing on Jeddah (Saudi Arabia), observed a notable decrease in the consumption of fast foods, like pizza and burgers, during the quarantine period, while the intake of snacks, sugars, and pastries saw a significant increase during the same time. Nevertheless, some studies point out some positive changes. For example, in their research on the eating habits of university students in the UAE during the COVID-19 period, Takshe et al. ^[55][194] discovered that a majority (67%) of the students surveyed appeared to have improved their dietary practices, opting for healthier life choices. Moreover, several studies highlight that during the pandemic, there was an increased focus on health and healthy diets, particularly those believed to enhance and fortify the immune system ^{[56][57][58][59][60][61]}[66,103,113,163,166,191]. Additional research addresses the issue of food security and insecurity during the pandemic period ^{[22][62][63][64][65][66][67]}[47,69,112,116,132,198,209]. Other studies address the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on food waste ^[30][68][69][137,140,167]. While some refer to a decrease in the generation of waste along the food chain ^[30][70][137,141], others underline an increase in food waste, especially at the household level ^[68][140]. Indeed, referring to the Omani context, Alazaiza et al. ^[68][140] discovered that a primary cause of the increased household waste generation during the lockdown was attributed to people spending more time at home. Some studies take a more systemic, holistic approach and deal simultaneously with different food chain stages. They refer to the food supply chain ^{[30][31][36][71][72]}[109,137,138,165,208] or value chain ^[73][197]. Referring to the fruit and vegetable supply chain in Meknes (Morocco), Saidi et al. ^[30][137] observed that the crisis prompted the emergence of new and more sustainable food supply methods, such as mutualized and local sourcing, as well as reduced food waste, leading the move towards sustainability.

3. Impacts on Food Security and Nutrition

The analysis of the eligible documents shows that the COVID-19 pandemic affected all four pillars of food security (viz., availability, access, use/utilization, and stability). Nevertheless, the scale of the impacts, as well as the level of coverage, change from one pillar to another (Table 2). In fact, most of the selected documents focus on food access and food utilization. Regarding food availability, the pandemic influenced domestic and global food production. The COVID-19 pandemic reduced domestic food production, leading to a subsequent reduction in food supply/availability. In some cases, access to inputs (e.g., fertilizers, pesticides, seeds) became more complicated, and their prices increased, which determined a decrease in their use with a consequent decrease in yield and productivity ^[28][100]. However, in their study in the Northeastern Nile Delta in Egypt, Selim and Eltarabily ^[29][107] noted that despite the costs of fertilizers and labor, as well as water availability near Port Said, being relatively unaffected by the lockdown, the overall income of small-scale farmers significantly decreased. Disruptions of global supply chains and markets influenced the trade and import of some products and inputs and, consequently, their availability in the domestic markets. Referring to Yemen, Rahmat et al. ^[22][47] observed that COVID-19 restrictions severely hindered food acquisition and the import of essential commodities. Concerning food access, the analysis suggests that the COVID-19 pandemic influenced both economic accessibility/affordability and physical accessibility. Virus containment measures, such as lockdowns, impacted physical access to food in NENA countries. Nevertheless, these effects differed not only among NENA countries, based on the stringency and duration of the containment measures (cf. lockdown), but also among socio-economic groups. In particular, the poor ^[24][49], women ^{[51][56][74][75][76][77]}[8,66,78,79,85,187], and children ^{[56][62][78][79][80]}[65,66,67,69,182] seem to be more affected. Rahmat et al. ^[22][47], in their study on Yemen, caution that the combination of intense economic instability, worsened by the COVID-19 pandemic, ongoing conflict, and soaring food prices has brought the Yemeni population to the verge of famine, with women and children suffering particularly from malnutrition. Economic access was negatively affected due to the increase in food prices ^[81][211]. For instance, in Lebanon, the combined effects of the collapse of the Lebanese Pound (LBP) and COVID-19 led to a rise in the prices of foodstuffs by up to 50–60% in April 2020 concerning the pre-COVID period ^[82][212]. Moreover, the pandemic led to a significant decrease in purchasing power, primarily due to widespread job losses and its adverse impacts on various aspects of livelihoods. This downturn in purchasing power was exacerbated by the economic slowdown and disruptions in income sources, which further strained the financial capabilities of individuals and families, making it more challenging for them to afford essential goods and services, including food ^[22][47]. Referring to Syrian refugees in Middle Eastern countries, Zuntz et al. ^[66][198] state that during the spring of 2020, travel restrictions and disruptions in the supply chain led to displaced Syrian farm laborers losing their jobs and facing increased food poverty. In a review focusing on Tunisian agriculture, Elloumi ^[83][55] notes that the decline in the purchasing power of the most vulnerable groups in the population reduced their access to basic products. Ultimately, it was the reduction in international demand that most significantly impacted Tunisia’s primary agricultural sectors. In another review of childhood stunting in the Eastern Mediterranean region, Al Jawaldeh et al. ^[84][56] caution that the COVID-19 pandemic poses a risk of derailing efforts to combat stunting, as it affects both the accessibility and affordability of safe and nutritious foods, as well as the availability of crucial health services. However, the impacts of the pandemic on food access varied across the NENA region, with a marked difference between rich countries (especially those of the Gulf Cooperation Council) and other middle-income and low-income NENA countries. In a review focusing on the Gulf Cooperation Council region, Ben Hassen and El Bilali ^[4][5] discovered that while the pandemic affected how consumers interacted with food, it did not lead to panic buying and hoarding in the region. This finding contrasts with tendencies found around the globe throughout the pandemic. Furthermore, the GCC region’s population’s considerable buying power played a critical role in mitigating the economic consequences of the pandemic. Despite the global crisis, this financial resilience served to buffer the adverse effects on food and nutrition security in the region, ensuring that the population had greater access to food supplies and maintained a reasonably consistent level of nutrition and food security. As for food utilization, the studies focus mainly on dietary diversity, diet quality, and food safety. The pandemic altered the nutritional value of diets by reducing the consumption of numerous health-promoting products ^[54][79][67,169], such as fruits and vegetables, as well as a surge in the use of unhealthy foods, such as sugar-sweetened drinks/beverages, pastries, sweets, and candies ^[54][85][54,169]. In a systematic review focusing on the impacts of the first wave of the pandemic, Mignogna et al. ^[85][54] discovered that there was an uptick in the consumption of suggested foods such as fruits, vegetables, legumes, cereals, and olive oil. However, there was a significant decline in fish consumption and a rise in that of dairy products. There was a decrease in items that should be consumed less often, such as red and processed meats. However, there was a noticeable rise in the consumption of unhealthy foods, such as snacks and sweets, during this period. This trend reflects a shift in dietary patterns, possibly due to the stress and lifestyle changes induced by the pandemic. Except for France, the data demonstrated better food quality across Europe, notably in Mediterranean nations. In contrast, a shift to poorer nutrient patterns was noted in Colombia and Saudi Arabia. An analysis of eating behaviors indicated an increase in overall food intake, the number of daily meals, and snacking. The deterioration of consumption patterns, as well as the reduction of physical activity/exercise ^[49][54][86][160,169,173], especially during the lockdown, determined weight gains ^[51][77][86][85,173,187] and an increase in the prevalence of non-communicable diseases ^[24][45][49,156]. Nevertheless, there was also a rise in attention to and interest in health ^{[57][58][59][60][61][87]}[103,113,163,166,191,204]. Meanwhile, people started paying more attention to the hygiene and safety of agri-food products ^[42][88][74,77]. However, referring to Jordanian female food handlers engaged in home-based food businesses, Osaili et al. ^[89][83] discovered that respondents had little understanding, unfavorable attitudes, and poor food safety practices. Finally, regarding the stability pillar, many studies offer estimates and scenarios about the trajectory of food security in the context of the ongoing pandemic and its aftermath. For instance, Marzouk et al. ^[90][104] use system dynamics to model the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on SDGs (including SDG 2, Zero Hunger) in Egypt and conclude that, based on governmental solid efforts to implement its 2030 goal, Egypt may achieve a declining proportion of food insecurity, reaching 3% in 2030. This percentage will continue to fall until it achieves complete sufficiency by 2050. Referring to food insecurity (FI) amid the pandemic and economic crisis in Lebanon, Kharroubi et al. ^[65][132] predict that there would be a more considerable prevalence of FI projections among females compared to men and among elderly persons in contrast to younger individuals. This study suggests that the environmental dimension is generally overlooked. For example, no study directly connects the COVID-19 pandemic to the conservation of biodiversity and/or the management of natural resources. Nevertheless, there are some exceptions. For instance, Abualhaija and Shammout ^[156][111] in their investigation into the impact of the pandemic lockdown on the quality of irrigation water in Jordan’s dams, including King Talal, Al-Kafrein, Al-Wehdeh, Kufranja, Wadi Al-Arab, and Zeqlab, found that there was an improvement in water quality and a decrease in pollution levels across all the dams studied during the COVID-19 lockdown. Selim and Eltarabily ^[29][107] compile learned lessons for water conservation amidst the COVID-19 lockdown in small-scale farming in the Northeastern Nile Delta (Egypt). Ftouhi et al. ^[159][201] point out that the pandemic promoted the adoption of agroecological practices in Algerian and Moroccan oases. As for the economic dimension, the COVID-19 pandemic and the movement restrictions and limitations it determined affected socio-economic activities, including the primary sector (agriculture), which determined the loss of jobs and, consequently, income for many households. The effects have been especially dramatic for some vulnerable groups, such as refugees ^[24][66][49,198] and those living in countries suffering from civil wars, such as Yemen ^[22][56][47,66]. Furthermore, the pandemic affected the marketing of agri-food products, with an increase in online marketing and home delivery ^[41][45][73,156] and increased food prices in many NENA countries ^[22][47]. Regarding the social dimension, most studies address the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on health and food (in)security/(mal)nutrition. For instance, Hoteit et al. ^[137][196], in their analysis of the Eastern Mediterranean region, concluded that the COVID-19 crisis exposed the region’s lack of preparedness for a pandemic. They noted that while the aggressive containment strategy adopted by most countries in the region was crucial in preventing the spread of the virus, it resulted in a significant nutritional cost by leading to poor dietary diversity. Meanwhile, referring to the body weight and body mass index (BMI) of children in Constantine (Algeria), Benmerzoug et al. ^[78][65] underscore the risks stemming from changes in eating habits, including increased dietary intake and reduced physical activity, alongside a rise in sedentary behaviors, and how these factors contribute to the exacerbation of body weight gain and body mass index (BMI) increases. As shown in the previous section, the pandemic influenced all four pillars of food security in the NENA region. Furthermore, the literature shows that the pandemic increased vulnerability and poverty. This, in turn, led to a decrease in adherence to containment measures as the pandemic progressed since they were considered inappropriate, especially in the absence of adequate social protection measures. For instance, in Syria, Alhaffar et al. ^[80][182] highlight that lockdowns and the urge for self-isolation exemplified this dire situation. This happened despite the precarious reliance on daily earnings, the lack of income replacement subsidies, individual self-reliance, and poor trust and communication between communities and health authorities. Similarly, Nour ^[117][106] concluded that there was a deficiency in adherence to and participation in the stay-at-home rules in Damietta Governorate, Egypt. Sociodemographic factors impacted the public’s reaction to these directives, and a lack of confidence in government actions, community resources, and emergency services ensued. In general, the pandemic affected the quality of life and lifestyles ^{[109][110][124][179]}[105,126,144,203]. Cheikh Ismail et al. ^[110][203] discovered that the lockdown imposed during the COVID-19 pandemic led to a range of lifestyle alterations, increased physical inactivity, and psychological issues (e.g., anxiety) among adults in the MENA region. In their study focusing on Dakahlia governorate in Egypt, Mohsen et al. ^[179][105] determined that the COVID-19 pandemic had a notable impact on the overall quality of life and personal safety of the public. The pandemic’s effects are differentiated by socio-economic groups and genders. Referring to Ethiopia, Jordan, and Palestine, Oakley et al. ^[97][71] reach the conclusion that the pandemic has worsened existing gender inequalities among adolescents in these diverse countries. Furthermore, they find that the current social safety nets are insufficient to fully mitigate these impacts, especially for the most vulnerable individuals. The pandemic and the measures taken to reduce the propagation of the virus also had some cascading effects. For instance, a study by Olaimat et al. ^[64][116] in Jordan underscores the negative consequences of COVID-19 restrictions on nutritional status, particularly among households experiencing food insecurity. These restrictions can exacerbate difficulties in accessing food due to economic challenges. While many studies end up with some policy recommendations and suggestions, for instance, by calling for the inclusion of agri-food in the recovery plans and strategies ^[40][6], only very few deal with policy and governance. Studies dealing with the policy dimension generally address the implications of the virus containment measures and/or the effects of the measures taken by governments on the economy and population’s livelihoods ^[90][158][101,104], especially on food (in)security, and/or the adequacy of current agri-food policies in light of the lessons learned from the pandemic ^{[73][161][181]}[139,197,202]. Referring to Maghreb countries, Jouili and Elloumi ^[181][202] caution that these crises have brought to light the vulnerabilities of food security dependent on international trade and the dangers of excessive import reliance. As a result, they advocate for reevaluating agricultural and food policy decisions with a greater emphasis on domestic food production. Meanwhile, as for governance, Alalwan et al. ^[162][195] analyze the effect of digital transformation and the increasing use of ICT during the COVID-19 pandemic on marketing governance within B2B (business-to-business) relationships in the Arab countries of Asia. Some studies simultaneously address different sustainability dimensions. For instance, some articles analyze the effects of the pandemic on the implementation and achievement of the SDGs ^[90][158][101,104]. Marzouk et al. ^[90][104] examine the pandemic’s impacts on the achievement of SDGS 1 (No poverty), 2 (Zero hunger), 8 (Decent work and economic growth), and 13 (Climate action) in Egypt. Saidi et al. ^[30][137] refer to five dimensions (viz., ecological, economic, social, territorial, and food security) in their assessment of the sustainability of the supply chain of fruit and vegetables (SCF&V) in Meknes (Morocco). Referring to the social and economic impacts of the pandemic in the Iraqi context, Lafta and Mawlood ^[167][110] found that the suspension of educational activities presented the most tremendous social burden to people. At the same time, the rise in food prices and work stoppages were the primary causes of economic strain. Some scholars made recommendations to make the agri-food systems in the NENA region more sustainable and resilient to the COVID-19 pandemic and further shocks, stresses, and crises (Table 4). Different scholars stress the need to use the lessons learned from the pandemic to improve preparedness for future pandemics, crises, and shocks that can affect the agri-food system. In particular, some scholars call for strengthening social safety nets and protection policies ^[73][97][71,197]. Some scholars also call for paying more attention to the agri-food sector and food security issues in continuity plans and recovery strategies ^[40][67][6,209]. Mertens and Peñalvo ^[67][209] emphasize that response plans for COVID-19 in malnourished countries, which are at a heightened risk of fatal COVID-19, should prioritize food security, nutrition, and social protection measures. This is crucial to mitigating COVID-19 mortalities.

4. Impacts on the Sustainability of Food Systems

The body of evidence from the selected documents suggests that the COVID-19 pandemic affected all the dimensions of the sustainability of agri-food systems (Table 3). Nevertheless, as expected, the lion’s share of the scholarly literature deals with the socio-economic impacts of the pandemic, especially those linked to food (in)security and health, while environmental and political dimensions are less addressed. Further, policies must be evidence-based to be effective, and research is paramount in that respect. Following a study on food insecurity (FI) amidst the COVID-19 pandemic and economic crises in Lebanon, Kharroubi et al. ^[65][132] conclude that these frightening results demand emergency food security policies and evidence-based initiatives to alleviate the burden of numerous crises on the FI of Lebanese families and improve resilience to future shocks. Some scholars consider the pandemic an opportunity to rethink the agri-food sector and foster the transition towards more sustainable and resilient agri-food systems. In this respect, referring to the water-energy-food (WEF) nexus, Al-Saidi and Hussein ^[157][95] suggest that when it comes to resource-security concerns within the Water-Energy-Food (WEF) nexus, the COVID-19 stress test sparks discussions about the sufficiency of production value chains, which includes factors such as contingency and storage, diversification, and self-sufficiency. Furthermore, it raises concerns about the significance of cross-border integration in areas such as commerce/trade, globalization, and assistance. In general, several authors call for the reduction of import dependency and the diversification of import sources ^[37][189] to increase the resilience of the domestic food system. According to Ali et al. ^[37][189], the UAE has significantly relied on one or two sources for cereal imports, which are generally price-competitive, raising the danger of external cereal supply. The UAEs growing reliance on Russia as its primary supplier of cereals, as well as the consolidation of sources, represents a severe threat to food security. Reducing reliance on imports, which is a source of vulnerability to shocks on international markets, also calls for increasing domestic crop production; this option is considered especially relevant in North African/Maghreb countries ^[181][202]. Moreover, the experience of the COVID-19 pandemic shows clearly that containment measures should take into consideration the specific context and socio-economic situation of the population to be effective and not harm the livelihoods of local communities, especially the poor and those engaged in informal sectors ^{[80][117][173]}[63,106,182]. This also implies adopting gender-sensitive approaches to empower women and reduce gender inequality ^[38][74][77][8,85,186]. The pandemic had adverse effects on the health of the population, and for that, it is necessary to improve its nutritional knowledge. In this respect, Alkhalaf et al. ^[48][157] highlight the significance of public health campaigns in enhancing the nutritional awareness of the population. These campaigns play a crucial role in educating individuals about the principles of healthy eating, promoting adherence to national dietary guidelines, and disseminating reliable and accurate information from authorized official sources. Furthermore, given the strong relationship between the pandemic and food safety, many scholars call for the training of agri-food sector workers on this matter ^{[88][151][152]}[74,94,115]. They also put forward the need to raise the general public’s awareness of infection prevention measures and good hygiene practices ^[111][151][94,206]. The pandemic also underscored the need to adopt a holistic approach to dealing with agri-food systems. For instance, Ben Hassen et al. ^[40][6] highlight the interconnectedness of the dimensions of food systems and the need to address the challenges jointly. According to their assertion, several challenges endanger food systems’ stability and functionality. Effectively addressing these concerns requires developing interdisciplinary research that fosters innovation at the intersections of several disciplines. This approach aims to provide diverse solutions that tackle the social, economic, technical, and policy aspects of these challenges.