Among the various transformations that have taken place in recent years, the growth of digital platforms for publishing and distributing content (van Dijck et al. 2018) and the empowerment of former audiences (Rosen 2012; Anderson et al. 2014) can perhaps be highlighted as the ones which most affected news media. The truth is that in an era dominated by digital platforms and news applications, the media faces many challenges, mainly because they are no longer the only ones to control the ecosystem of news production and distribution (Cardoso et al. 2016a). In this context, for news outlets, these digital platforms of we can include, between others, Facebook, Google, Twitter, Instagram, and YouTube, “become powerhouses of news distribution and production”, a “key for the success of news stories, and “the most effective way to cultivate new audiences” (Nechushtai 2018, p. 1049).

Therefore, distribution has gained particular importance “as the owners of networks and content aggregators increasingly assert themselves as key players in negotiating power and ability to influence consumer and browsing behavior” (Cardoso et al. 2016b, pp. 25–26). This negotiation becomes particularly challenging in the case of local media since, as Anne Schulz says, “local and regional news media are under immense financial pressure as audience attention, and advertising budgets increasingly flow to big platforms and other competitors” (Schulz 2021, pp. 42–43).

2. The Importance of Digital Platforms for Local Media: Between Opportunities and Challenges

In recent years we have witnessed the growth of digital platforms while the media have lost readers and listeners on their websites. It is in this context that “it has been suggested that these platforms, including (but not limited to) Facebook, Google, Apple, Snapchat, Twitter, Instagram, and YouTube, could potentially help rehabilitate journalism by allocating funds, providing journalists and editors with sophisticated tools and capabilities, highlighting and promoting quality news content, and directing audiences to news they are likely to find relevant” (Nechushtai 2018, p. 2). However, while digital platforms have made it easier for people to access news content, they have also led to concerns about the quality and diversity of available news and the potential for spreading disinformation. The so-called platformization of news has been studied (van Dijck et al. 2018; Shearer and Matsa 2018; Hase et al. 2022; Zaid et al. 2022), but many questions remain unanswered regarding the impact these platforms can have on news outlet work. For some authors, “a vision of mutually beneficial collaboration between financially distressed news organizations and successful digital platforms, for which the dissemination of news is at best a secondary activity, should not overlook some sources of inevitable tension” (Nechushtai 2018, p. 1044). Digital platforms, such as Google, Facebook, Twitter, Instagram or TikTok, have played an increasing role in the distribution and consumption of news content. However, with the rise of social media and search engines, traditional news outlets face competition from these digital giants, who have become gatekeepers to the flow of information. This aspect is particularly important if we think that “interest in news fell, in Portugal, by 17.5 percentage points between 2021 and 2022”. Although “the general drop in interest in the news may be related to the excessive dual-thematization of the news agenda around the themes of the pandemic and the 2022 legislative elections” (Cardoso et al. 2022, p. 10), we cannot forget that digital platforms have become one of the primary sources of news. A study by the Pew Research Center found that 62% of U.S. adults get news from social media and that these platforms are an increasingly important source of news for younger adults (Shearer and Matsa 2018). This value has been growing in recent years, as shown by the annual report of the Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism (Digital News Report). For example, TikTok has become the fastest growing network in 2022, reaching 40% of 18–24 years, with 15% using the platform for news. Telegram has also grown significantly in some markets, providing a flexible alternative to WhatsApp (Newman et al. 2022). According to the Digital News Report Portugal 2022, produced by OberCom–Observatório da Comunicação, “91.2% of the Portuguese use some Meta platform in general, and 66.2% do it to get information. The Portuguese mostly use messaging apps (79.4%) for various purposes, and about a third (33.5%) use these platforms to get information through news” (Cardoso et al. 2022, p. 36). Access to platforms for news consumption has increased, but it is also important to highlight that “(…) roughly ¼ of Facebook users consider that there is too much news content in their feeds, originating from news brands” (Cardoso et al. 2022, p. 37). In this context, it is important to highlight the idea presented in the “Monitoring Media Pluralism in the Digital Era” report, where the authors stressed that “in the digital environment, news consumption in Portugal is rarely made directly from news agencies, which causes the possibility of algorithmic influence and disinformation”. The data also show that “78% of the access to online news in Portugal occurs indirectly: news aggregator (5%), search engine (28%), social media (24%), email (8%), or mobile alerts (13%) (Obercom 2021; Reuters 2021)” (Cádima et al. 2022, p. 19). Thus, it is easy to understand how platformization has been influencing consumption. Social media algorithms prioritize content likely to generate engagement, such as likes, shares, and comments. As a result, news content that is sensational or divisive is more likely to be promoted, while more nuanced or in-depth reporting may be overlooked. This strategy has raised concerns about the quality and diversity of news available to consumers and the potential for spreading disinformation or hate speech. Media management and business models are equally important parts of the issue. Many traditional news outlets have seen a decline in advertising revenue because of the shift to digital ads, dominated by big tech companies such as Alphabet (Google), Amazon, Apple, Meta (Facebook), and Microsoft. These changes have led to cutbacks in newsroom staff and a reduction in investigative and public interest reporting. On the other hand, there have been calls for the regulation of technology platforms to address these issues. In 2019, the European Union passed the Directive on Copyright in the Digital Single Market1, which includes provisions to ensure that news publishers are fairly compensated for using their content through online platforms. There have been proposals for similar legislation in the United States, such as the Journalism Competition and Preservation Act2. Thus, it can be concluded, “(…) this year’s data [2022] confirm how the various shocks of the last few years, including the Coronavirus pandemic, have further accelerated structural shifts towards a more digital, mobile, and platform-dominated media environment, with further implications for the business models and formats of journalism” (Newman et al. 2022, p. 10). Nevertheless, in studying the role and impact of platforms, it is also necessary to consider those that have been other, more recent trends in the media ecosystem, namely, the importance that local media have been gaining. The development of studies about local journalism shows that the topic has aroused more interest in recent years. At production and distribution levels, they have become dominated by the digital process. Newsroom structures and cultures are trying to reflect a digital-first mindset and changing audience preferences (Jenkins and Jerónimo 2021). On the other hand, local media are struggling with daily dynamics such as responding to audience demands and trying to survive the financial pressure and monopolization of the big platforms (Schulz 2021). These challenges were evident in the first years of internet integration in local newsrooms (Jerónimo 2015) and in the process of adopting social media (García-de-Torres et al. 2015). Recent studies point to the full integration of the internet into local journalists’ routines as well as social media and mobile (Jerónimo et al. 2022c), mainly used for newsgathering and getting in touch with sources. Employing social media to engage with the community is not always a reality in local newsrooms. The same happens when recognizing or even incorporating content produced by citizens. Although aware of the digital potential, the lack of human and material resources has hampered the work of local media. The platforms, which appear as an opportunity, are also spaces where new challenges emerge, such as difficulties with verifying content or the growing speed at which fake news circulates. It is important to remember that, according to some studies, “’source blindness’, which is defined as a state whereby individuals fail to consider source information when processing news content” (Pearson 2020, p. 3) has grown. The author of the study, who evaluated the influence of aspects such as “information context collapse” and the “volume of content” on “source blindness”, concluded that “due to social media design features, users fail to connect source information to related content. While users are aware content has a source, those high in source blindness, are unlikely to recall source information or use the source to make content evaluations” (Pearson 2020, p. 3). This difficulty in identifying sources is particularly worrying in the case of local media, not only because it jeopardizes the work of these professionals but also because the lack of human resources in these media prevents verification work that becomes fundamental. In this context, it is essential to remember that the most recent data from the Digital News Report reveal “(…) that 7 out of 10 Portuguese are concerned about what is real or false on the Internet”, but at the same time, the percentage of those “who have a neutral position regarding concerns about the legitimacy of online content” has grown (Cardoso et al. 2022, p. 20). If it is true that “(…) the Portuguese who trust the most in the news tend to be more concerned with falsehoods” (Cardoso et al. 2022, p. 20), the feeling that it is not necessary to verify the legitimacy of the contents increases the importance of media literacy. Some of the most recent reports emphasize that “civil society is increasingly active in what concerns the presence of media literacy in non-formal education”. However, they also alert us to the lack of further initiatives since “(…) despite the existence of training programs on media education and digital citizenship for teachers, media literacy is only presented in a limited range in the education curriculum, in possible relation to other areas, such as the work on journalistic texts and narratives” (Cádima et al. 2022, pp. 16–17). The data from the report “How It Started, How it is Going: Media Literacy Index 2022” by the European Policies Initiative (EuPI) and the Open Society Institute–Foundation Sofia (OSI–Sofia), which featured for the first time 41 European countries, confirms this idea. According to the document, “the countries in Northern and Western Europe have higher resilience potential to fake news with better education, free media and higher trust between people. The countries in Southeast and Eastern Europe are generally most vulnerable to the negative effects of fake news and post-truth, with controlled media, deficiencies in education and lower trust in society” (Lessenski 2022, p. 2). The index, where Portugal occupies the fourteenth position, highlights the fact that “education remains an essential component in addressing the “fake news” problems with targeted media literacy training as for youth and adults alike”, while also recommending that “the education and awareness raising remain long-term solutions, regulatory measures are necessary too in the short-term to address the erosion of democracy and geo-political challenges too” (Lessenski 2022, p. 2). Eurobarometer data on media and news consumption habits also reveal that “10% of respondents think that, in that past seven days, they have ‘very often’ been exposed to disinformation and fake news; 18% reply that this happened ‘often’ in the past seven days and 33% reply that this happened ‘sometimes’”(European Parliament 2022, p. 38). Among respondents “a majority feel confident they can recognize disinformation: 12% feel ‘very confident’ and 52% ‘somewhat confident’” (European Parliament 2022, p. 38). In addition to differences between countries, “there are also differences between socio-demographic groups: seven in ten male respondents feel confident they can recognize disinformation and fake news; among female respondents, less than six in ten feel confident” (European Parliament 2022, p. 38). Finally, it was  also found that “confidence in distinguishing between real news and fake news decreases with age and increases with the level of education. Among respondents still in education, 16% replied feeling ‘very confident’ and 55% ‘somewhat confident’ in recognizing disinformation and fake news. Similarly, among 15-24 year-olds, 68% feel confident they can recognize disinformation, compared to 59% for 55+year-olds” (European Parliament 2022, p. 39). The data reveal, on the one hand, that the level of education influences the ability to identify disinformation and is, therefore, a relevant aspect to take into account in this researticlech, but also that it is essential to stop considering the need for media literacy only for younger audiences, as it has been demonstrated by several studies that there is a need for “media and digital literacy education among adults and the elderly, including educating the educators” (Lessenski 2022, p. 15).

3. The Reality of Local Media in Portugal

According to the publication, “Monitoring media pluralism in the digital era: application of the Media Pluralism Monitor in the European Union, Albania, Montenegro, the Republic of North Macedonia, Serbia and Turkey in the year 2021. Country report: Portugal”, “despite a slight recovery compared to 2020, the general situation of the Portuguese media is still relatively difficult, with the small advertising market not being enough to support all operators in the market. The inversion that has taken place in recent years with the growth of digital does not ensure the economic rebalancing of this sector” (Cádima et al. 2022, p. 6). The report warns about the concentration of news media in just four major groups but also expresses concern about the lack of transparency concerning the management and ownership of these media groups. Considering data from the previous report, the authors highlight that “(…) the media viability risk indicator is still high, with the media sector having close to no growth compared to last year, as the sector is still recovering from the COVID-19 crisis. Media companies do not always have fully transparent information about their management structure and the issue of ownership, despite the regulator’s efforts and the creation of the Transparency Platform” (Cádima et al. 2022, p. 8). In a global analysis of the Portuguese media landscape, the report also stresses a need to “(…) strengthen the protection for journalists, especially from an economic point of view” (Cádima et al. 2022, p. 10). In terms of the viability of local media, the scenario is not very different, with the authors of the report considering that “The indicator Access to Media for Local and Regional Communities and community media scores medium risk (50%), the same score as last year’s report” (Cádima et al. 2022, pp. 16–17). In a more detailed analysis, we can also see that there are problems at various levels, starting with a matter of local framework since “the community media is not foreseen in Portugal’s legal framework, although local media tend to be seen as proximity or community-based media. Some media initiatives are classified as community media, but, in fact, their independence, as well as one of the local media, is at risk, mainly due to financial and economic difficulties” (Cádima et al. 2022, pp. 16–17). In addition to the legal problem and the economic and sustainability difficulties, there is a lack of data that allows knowing and understanding the true importance of these media among the populations. “Another risk arises from the fact that the audience and the actual impact on communities of these local media are not known or described. The danger of concentration of ownership and the diminishing value and sustainability of local media, despite several policy measures and State subsidies for local and regional media (nationally distributed), should be seen with concern” (Cádima et al. 2022, pp. 16–17). In the particular case of local media, the focus of this restudyearch, it is also important to remember that economic difficulties have contributed to the extinction of several newsrooms, making the news deserts in Portugal a reality (Abernathy 2018; Abernathy 2020, 2022; Jerónimo et al. 2022b). In Portugal, the authors consider news deserts a “portuguese municipality without local news”. Radio stations without local news and doctrinal newspapers without local news were not considered. Print and digital publications not registered with the ERC are also excluded. Municipalities with only one specialized communication outlet were also included as deserts” (Jerónimo et al. 2022b, p. 18). Therefore, according to the “News Deserts Europe 2022: Portugal Report”, “more than half of the Portuguese municipalities are news deserts or are on the verge of becoming so. Out of the 308 existing municipalities, 166 (53.9%) are news deserts or semi-deserts or at risk of becoming one. These are municipalities in a red flag situation regarding news coverage” (Jerónimo et al. 2022b, p. 20). The authors emphasize that “out of these 78 municipalities, 54 (17.5%) are in a total news desert, which means that they don’t have any media outlets producing news about these territories, and 24 (7.8%) are in semi-desert status, that is, they only have less frequent or not satisfactory news coverage. It should also be noted that 88 (28.6%) are at risk of entering into the status of news desert, as they have only one media outlet with regular news coverage” (Jerónimo et al. 2022b, p. 20). Finally, the report also allows us to verify that “the North, Center and Alentejo regions concentrate over 80% of news deserts and semi-deserts in Portugal” (Jerónimo et al. 2022b, p. 20). At this moment, when we are trying to portray the reality of the local media in Portugal, it is also important to highlight that the local media has received increasing attention from the academy, having grown, in recent years, the number of investigations that seek to characterize professionals and their working conditions (Jerónimo et al. 2022a; Morais et al. 2020), but it is also important to study the challenges introduced by digital (Jerónimo et al. 2022c; Jenkins and Jerónimo 2021; Carvalheiro et al. 2021; Campos and Jerónimo 2019) and the sustainability of the local media business itself (Morais et al. 2020; Jerónimo and Correia 2020; Ramos and Correia 2020; Quintanilha et al. 2019; Cardoso et al. 2017), without forgetting the studies and the analyses that focus on the growth of misinformation in these media (Jerónimo and Esparza 2022; Correia et al. 2019). Even when we consider the studies that seek to analyze the state of journalism in a more general way, more and more emphasis has also been given to local media professionals and their problems in particular moments, such as the one that occurred during the pandemic (Newman et al. 2022; Cardoso et al. 2021; Camponez et al. 2020). These investigations show that during the pandemic local news sites have seen significant increases in their consumption (Cardoso et al. 2021, p. 11). This change was assumed to be decisive for maintaining the operation of these media, many of which had a very fragile economic situation that tended to get worse during the pandemic. Nevertheless, it should also be noted that Portugal continues to be the second country—just behind Finland (69%)—where people trust the news the most (61%) and, in particular, the regional and local press (67%) (Cardoso et al. 2022; Newman et al. 2022), which reinforces the idea that during the pandemic, consumers sought credible information about a problem with global impact from the journalistic projects closest to them. On the other hand, these reports do not fail to warn of the degradation of working conditions, with the growing emptying of newsrooms and the overload on the remaining professionals during the pandemic (Cardoso et al. 2021; Camponez et al. 2020). Finally, the reports underline the challenges faced by the media in terms of their relationship with social networks, “controlled by Meta platforms (Facebook, WhatsApp, Instagram and Facebook Messenger) and Google (Youtube)” (Cardoso et al. 2022, p. 36), and increasingly used for informative consumption.